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In the Line of Fire: A Memoir
According to Time magazine, Pakistan's President Pervez Musharraf holds "the world's most dangerous job. " He has twice come within inches of assassination. His forces have caught more than 670 members of al Qaeda in the mountains and cities, yet many others remain at large and active, including Osama bin Laden and Ayman Al Zawahiri. Long locked in a deadly embrace with its nuclear neighbor India, Pakistan has come close to full-scale war on two occasions since it first exploded a nuclear bomb in 1998. As President Musharraf struggles for the security and political future of his nation, the stakes could not be higher for the world at large.
It is unprecedented for a sitting head of state to write a memoir as revelatory, detailed, and gripping as In the Line of Fire. Here, for the first time, readers can get a firsthand view of the war on terror in its central theater. President Musharraf details the manhunts for Osama and Zawahiri and their top lieutenants, complete with harrowing cat-and-mouse games, informants, interceptions, and bloody firefights. He tells the stories of the near-miss assassination attempts, not only against himself but against Shaukut Aziz (later elected prime minister) and one of his top army officers (later the vice chief of army staff), and of the abduction and beheading of Daniel Pearl -- as well as the forensic and shoe-leather investigations that uncovered the perpetrators. He details the army's mountain operations that have swept several valleys clean, and he talks about the areas of North Waziristan where al Qaeda is still operating.
Yet the war on terror is just one of the many headline-making subjects in In the Line of Fire. The full story of the events that brought President Musharraf to power in 1999 is told for the first time. He reveals new details of the 1999 confrontation with India in Kashmir (the Kargil conflict) and offers a proposal for resolving the Kashmir dispute.
He offers a portrait of Mullah Omar, with stories of Pakistan's attempts to negotiate with him. Concerning A. Q. Khan and his proliferation network, he explains what the government knew and when it knew it, and he reveals fascinating details of Khan's operations and the investigations into them.
In addition, President Musharraf takes many stances that will make news. He calls for the Muslim world to recognize Israel once a viable Palestinian state is created. He urges the repeal of Pakistan's 1979 Hudood law. He calls for the emancipation of women and for their full political equality with men. He tells the sad story of Pakistan's experience with democracy and what he has done to make it workable.
It is unprecedented for a sitting head of state to write a memoir as revelatory, detailed, and gripping as In the Line of Fire. Here, for the first time, readers can get a firsthand view of the war on terror in its central theater. President Musharraf details the manhunts for Osama and Zawahiri and their top lieutenants, complete with harrowing cat-and-mouse games, informants, interceptions, and bloody firefights. He tells the stories of the near-miss assassination attempts, not only against himself but against Shaukut Aziz (later elected prime minister) and one of his top army officers (later the vice chief of army staff), and of the abduction and beheading of Daniel Pearl -- as well as the forensic and shoe-leather investigations that uncovered the perpetrators. He details the army's mountain operations that have swept several valleys clean, and he talks about the areas of North Waziristan where al Qaeda is still operating.
Yet the war on terror is just one of the many headline-making subjects in In the Line of Fire. The full story of the events that brought President Musharraf to power in 1999 is told for the first time. He reveals new details of the 1999 confrontation with India in Kashmir (the Kargil conflict) and offers a proposal for resolving the Kashmir dispute.
He offers a portrait of Mullah Omar, with stories of Pakistan's attempts to negotiate with him. Concerning A. Q. Khan and his proliferation network, he explains what the government knew and when it knew it, and he reveals fascinating details of Khan's operations and the investigations into them.
In addition, President Musharraf takes many stances that will make news. He calls for the Muslim world to recognize Israel once a viable Palestinian state is created. He urges the repeal of Pakistan's 1979 Hudood law. He calls for the emancipation of women and for their full political equality with men. He tells the sad story of Pakistan's experience with democracy and what he has done to make it workable.
368 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2006
208 people are currently reading
1989 people want to read
About the author
Pervez Musharraf
2 books56 followersPervez Musharraf (Urdu: پرويز مشرف), NI, HI, was the twelfth President of Pakistan. Previously, he was Chief Executive of Pakistan as well as former Chief of Army Staff of the Pakistan Army. On 18 August 2008, in a nationally-televised speech, he announced his resignation as President of Pakistan.
He seized power in 1999 by effecting a military coup d'état and has suspended the constitution of Pakistan twice since then. After announcing his intention to combat extremists, Western countries (including the United States and the United Kingdom) have switched from sanctions to active support through military and monetary aid. He took power on October 12, 1999, ousting Nawaz Sharif, the elected Prime Minister, dismissed the national and provincial legislative assemblies, assumed the title of Chief Executive and became Pakistan's de facto head of government, thereby becoming the fourth Army chief of Pakistan to have assumed executive control. Later in 2001, Musharraf appointed himself to the office of President of Pakistan.
On November 3, 2007, only days before a bench of the Supreme Court of Pakistan was to decide on a petition challenging the constitutional validity of his re-election as president in the controversial October 2007 elections, he, as Chief of Army Staff, suspended the constitution, jailed several justices and lawyers of the supreme court including Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, ordered the arrest of political dissidents and human rights activists, and shut down all private television channels. On November 3, 2007, Musharraf declared a state of emergency in Pakistan which lasted until December 15, 2007. During this time, the constitution of the country was suspended.
On November 24, 2007, the Pakistan Election Commission confirmed his re-election as President.
On August 18, 2008, Pervez Musharraf resigned from the post of President of Pakistan under impeachment pressure from the coalition government.
He seized power in 1999 by effecting a military coup d'état and has suspended the constitution of Pakistan twice since then. After announcing his intention to combat extremists, Western countries (including the United States and the United Kingdom) have switched from sanctions to active support through military and monetary aid. He took power on October 12, 1999, ousting Nawaz Sharif, the elected Prime Minister, dismissed the national and provincial legislative assemblies, assumed the title of Chief Executive and became Pakistan's de facto head of government, thereby becoming the fourth Army chief of Pakistan to have assumed executive control. Later in 2001, Musharraf appointed himself to the office of President of Pakistan.
On November 3, 2007, only days before a bench of the Supreme Court of Pakistan was to decide on a petition challenging the constitutional validity of his re-election as president in the controversial October 2007 elections, he, as Chief of Army Staff, suspended the constitution, jailed several justices and lawyers of the supreme court including Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, ordered the arrest of political dissidents and human rights activists, and shut down all private television channels. On November 3, 2007, Musharraf declared a state of emergency in Pakistan which lasted until December 15, 2007. During this time, the constitution of the country was suspended.
On November 24, 2007, the Pakistan Election Commission confirmed his re-election as President.
On August 18, 2008, Pervez Musharraf resigned from the post of President of Pakistan under impeachment pressure from the coalition government.
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September 26, 2021
Narcissism and self-centred is what the book portrays throughout the narrative. Pervez Musharraf boasts about himself so much in the book that at times I felt how can someone be that perfect. He starts the book with two suicide bombing attempts on him, which he survived luckily. He took over the country in a military coup but defines it as a counter-coup because as per him the precedents and present government at that point in time were already running the country as coups and not democracy because the leaders were autocrats.
He also categorised Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as a chief martial law administer during his tenure. On the contrary, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the most famous leader of his time, who was loved, cherished and looked upon by the people of Pakistan. Pakistan has a history of prolonged military coups but whatever democracy came was being run by Nawaz or Benazir Bhutto (10 consecutive years either of the two held offices). When Nawaz Sharif took over the government for the second time, he created dissension in the army by sacking the then COAS and replaced him with Pervez Musharraf. Despite that Musharraf has demoralized Nawaz’s government on many occasions and called it corrupt, indecisive and incompetent.
Nawaz seeing that Musharraf was going against the rift after Kargil debacle decided to sack him. However the army this time couldn’t take it and decided to take over the government. It wasn’t a coup by Musharraf (as it was not that bad when he was made the COAS when Nawaz previously sacked the then COAS, but he couldn’t do the same with him) rather by the army itself as per his narrative in the book. He was the COAS and also the Chief of Joint Staffs (an additional position given to him by Nawaz) and yet he takes no responsibility for the coup.
After taking over the government, through Legal Framework Order popularly known as the 17th Amendment, he legalized his coup and held two positions that is COAS and President of Pakistan till 2007. The attack on twin towers on 9/11 shook the world, Musharraf decided to be an ally on ‘War on Terror’ for America. Hence the culture of suicide bombs came into being, which till date have killed thousands of Pakistanis. Although in Musharraf’s reign Pakistan saw a lot of economic development but that was only possible due to the billions of dollars aid Pakistan was receiving as being an ally.
In this book, he takes all the credit for everything good that happened and denounced against bad (not even acknowledges it). He doesn’t talk about Akbar Bugti’s mysterious death in 2006, the siege of Lal Masjid, sacking of Chief Justice of Pakistan Chaudhary Iftikhar, disclosure of Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan’s labs or the assassination of Benazir Bhutto. Though the book was published in 2006 but most of these incidents happened before the publication and yet there is no mention of any of them.
Musharraf was a man of self-brag, his coup brought in some positives but the negatives cannot be compensated with them, as Pakistan is still in a state of war against the Talibans, which were nurtured to fight Al Qaeda in Afghanistan.
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He also categorised Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as a chief martial law administer during his tenure. On the contrary, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the most famous leader of his time, who was loved, cherished and looked upon by the people of Pakistan. Pakistan has a history of prolonged military coups but whatever democracy came was being run by Nawaz or Benazir Bhutto (10 consecutive years either of the two held offices). When Nawaz Sharif took over the government for the second time, he created dissension in the army by sacking the then COAS and replaced him with Pervez Musharraf. Despite that Musharraf has demoralized Nawaz’s government on many occasions and called it corrupt, indecisive and incompetent.
Nawaz seeing that Musharraf was going against the rift after Kargil debacle decided to sack him. However the army this time couldn’t take it and decided to take over the government. It wasn’t a coup by Musharraf (as it was not that bad when he was made the COAS when Nawaz previously sacked the then COAS, but he couldn’t do the same with him) rather by the army itself as per his narrative in the book. He was the COAS and also the Chief of Joint Staffs (an additional position given to him by Nawaz) and yet he takes no responsibility for the coup.
After taking over the government, through Legal Framework Order popularly known as the 17th Amendment, he legalized his coup and held two positions that is COAS and President of Pakistan till 2007. The attack on twin towers on 9/11 shook the world, Musharraf decided to be an ally on ‘War on Terror’ for America. Hence the culture of suicide bombs came into being, which till date have killed thousands of Pakistanis. Although in Musharraf’s reign Pakistan saw a lot of economic development but that was only possible due to the billions of dollars aid Pakistan was receiving as being an ally.
In this book, he takes all the credit for everything good that happened and denounced against bad (not even acknowledges it). He doesn’t talk about Akbar Bugti’s mysterious death in 2006, the siege of Lal Masjid, sacking of Chief Justice of Pakistan Chaudhary Iftikhar, disclosure of Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan’s labs or the assassination of Benazir Bhutto. Though the book was published in 2006 but most of these incidents happened before the publication and yet there is no mention of any of them.
Musharraf was a man of self-brag, his coup brought in some positives but the negatives cannot be compensated with them, as Pakistan is still in a state of war against the Talibans, which were nurtured to fight Al Qaeda in Afghanistan.
Blog | YouTube | Instagram | Facebook | LinkedIn
December 15, 2020
When General Musharraf ruled Pakistan,it was often described as the world's toughest job.A major US ally in the war on terror,Pakistan lost innumerable thousands of soldiers and citizens in terror attacks.
He was a man known for taking reckless risks,which paid off sometimes and backfired disastrously on other occasions.He of course,came under fire,quite literally,and more than once.
The book begins dramatically,with the two assassination attempts on the General in December 2003,in the span of a few weeks.His
motorcade was attacked by terrorists,as powerful bombs exploded.
He was lucky to survive on both occasions as there were jammers in his car.However,many others in his motorcade lost their lives.Even now,when I drive on that road,I'm reminded of the ferocity of those attacks.
I sometimes stop at the petrol pump which was destroyed in the attack,and was rebuilt later.At the time,I had just left the vicinity of the place where the first attack took place.Otherwise,I would have heard the explosions.
He then narrates the story of his life.His family migrated from Delhi to Pakistan,when he was four years old.He spent several years in Turkey,as his father was posted there.He also talks about an early love affair.
Then,he joined the army.He talks about his wartime exploits and nearly being expelled from the army on disciplinary grounds,very early on.
But war broke out in 1965,he did well in the war and earned a commendation.Otherwise,he was all set for a court martial.
Of particular interest is his account of his sudden elevation as army chief and his encounters with then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. Sharif,would have ample reason to regret his choice later on.
Another tense,taut chapter deals with the drama of the coup against Nawaz Sharif staged in October 1999, when Musharraf was aboard an aircraft which was refused landing permission in Karachi,on Sharif's orders.
There is a blow by blow account of how the army swung into action to oust Nawaz Sharif,who had, by then, appointed a new army chief as Musharraf was in mid air.
All of this reads like a thriller.The key commanders chose to support Musharraf,rather than the new chief,General Ziauddin Butt.
The reign of the new chief lasted just a few hours,and Musharraf later imprisoned him.He also lost his service benefits and pension.
The rest of the book,however,is fairly disappointing.Numerous terrorist incidents are described in too much detail,and the book starts to feel like a police procedural.
This part of the book seems aimed to highlight his government's efforts against terrorism and the target audience seems to be his Western partners.
This part of the book book needed some serious editing,but didn't get it.Here,his ghost writer didn't do a great job.He,incidentally,was the son of the man who wrote Field Marsal Ayub Khan's autobiography,and didn't do a great job,either.
He was a man known for taking reckless risks,which paid off sometimes and backfired disastrously on other occasions.He of course,came under fire,quite literally,and more than once.
The book begins dramatically,with the two assassination attempts on the General in December 2003,in the span of a few weeks.His
motorcade was attacked by terrorists,as powerful bombs exploded.
He was lucky to survive on both occasions as there were jammers in his car.However,many others in his motorcade lost their lives.Even now,when I drive on that road,I'm reminded of the ferocity of those attacks.
I sometimes stop at the petrol pump which was destroyed in the attack,and was rebuilt later.At the time,I had just left the vicinity of the place where the first attack took place.Otherwise,I would have heard the explosions.
He then narrates the story of his life.His family migrated from Delhi to Pakistan,when he was four years old.He spent several years in Turkey,as his father was posted there.He also talks about an early love affair.
Then,he joined the army.He talks about his wartime exploits and nearly being expelled from the army on disciplinary grounds,very early on.
But war broke out in 1965,he did well in the war and earned a commendation.Otherwise,he was all set for a court martial.
Of particular interest is his account of his sudden elevation as army chief and his encounters with then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. Sharif,would have ample reason to regret his choice later on.
Another tense,taut chapter deals with the drama of the coup against Nawaz Sharif staged in October 1999, when Musharraf was aboard an aircraft which was refused landing permission in Karachi,on Sharif's orders.
There is a blow by blow account of how the army swung into action to oust Nawaz Sharif,who had, by then, appointed a new army chief as Musharraf was in mid air.
All of this reads like a thriller.The key commanders chose to support Musharraf,rather than the new chief,General Ziauddin Butt.
The reign of the new chief lasted just a few hours,and Musharraf later imprisoned him.He also lost his service benefits and pension.
The rest of the book,however,is fairly disappointing.Numerous terrorist incidents are described in too much detail,and the book starts to feel like a police procedural.
This part of the book seems aimed to highlight his government's efforts against terrorism and the target audience seems to be his Western partners.
This part of the book book needed some serious editing,but didn't get it.Here,his ghost writer didn't do a great job.He,incidentally,was the son of the man who wrote Field Marsal Ayub Khan's autobiography,and didn't do a great job,either.
July 28, 2011
While not knowing how much self-aggrandizing spin to suspect Musharraf of in his account of his life and leadership in Pakistan, it was still very informative to read his perspective on recent events there, and the implications of the American "War on Terror". I now have a better understanding of the geography and culture there, and a greater respect for the ethnic/religous problems his nation faces. It's too bad, though, that this book was written three years ago — I'd love to know his impressions of events since then. This memoir came to my reading list from its appearance on the New York Times best seller list in October 2006 — much has happened since then in Pakistan.
June 19, 2007
Pervez Musharraf
is Last Hope for pakistan
is Last Hope for pakistan
August 1, 2021
The book "In the line of fire" is a memoir written by one of the well renowned Pakistani, ex-President & ex-Amry Chief of Pakistan, General Pervez Musharaf. This book is a window into his era and the political situation at the transitional phase of the century. This book covers his personal life, career in amred forces, political instability in Pakistan, his presidential regime, world after 9/11, war on terror, and the impact of government decisions on Pakistan.
October 7, 2024
'সংস্কার' ও 'কমিশন' অগণতান্ত্রিক উপায়ে ক্ষমতা দখলকারী সরকারগুলোর অত্যন্ত প্রিয় শব্দ। আইয়ুব খান সেনা অভ্যুত্থানের মাধ্যমে গদিনসীন হওয়ার পর নানা ধরনের কমিটি ও কমিশন গঠন করে জনগণের চোখে কিছুদিন ধূলো দিয়েছিলেন। পাকিস্তানের সেনাপ্রধান পারভেজ মুশাররফ নির্বাচিত প্রধানমন্ত্রী নওয়াজ শরিফকে উৎখাত করেন এবং অনেকগুলো বছর 'কমিশন', 'কমিটি', বিচিত্র ধরনের 'গণতন্ত্র' ও ফরমানের মাধ্যমে দেশশাসন করেন। একইসঙ্গে পাকিস্তানকে জঙ্গী হামলা মোকাবিলা ও যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের অধীনে পরিচালিত সন্ত্রাসবাদবিরোধী অভিযানে অংশ নিতে হয়েছিল পারভেজ মুশাররফের আমলেই।
দেশভাগের আগে ভারতে জন্মগ্রহণ করেছিলেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। তার পিতা ফরেন সার্ভিসে ছিলেন। তাই বিভিন্ন দেশে বেড়ে উঠেছেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। তার ছোটোবেলার স্মৃতিচারণ তিনি করেছেন।
পাকিস্তান সেনাবাহিনীতে যোগদানের পর কাকুলে কষ্টসাধ্য প্রশিক্ষণের কথা মোটামুটি বিশদ লিখেছেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ।
কিশোর বয়স থেকেই নিয়ম ভাঙায় সিদ্ধহস্ত ছিলেন মুশাররফ। সেনাবাহিনীতে যুক্ত হয়ে তিনি কানুনের তোয়াক্কা করবেন না - এ যেন স্বাভাবিক ছিল!
পারভেজ মুশাররফের সেনাপ্রধান হওয়ার কথা ছিল না। একাধিক সিনিয়র জেনারেলকে ডিঙিয়ে পারভেজ মুশাররফকে সেনাপ্রধান করেছিলেন মুসলিম লীগ সরকারের প্রধানমন্ত্রী নওয়াজ শরিফ। পারভেজ মুশাররফের দাবি, নওয়াজ শরিফ তাকে তুলনামূলক সহজে নিয়ন্ত্রণ করতে পারবে - এমন চিন্তা থেকেই হয়তো সেনাপ্রধান করেছিল।
পাকিস্তানে কোনো পেশাদার সেনাবাহিনী গড়ে ওঠেনি। তারা রাজনৈতিক সরকারের অধীনে থাকতে স্বাচ্ছন্দ্যবোধ করে না। বরং নিজেরাই সরকার হয়ে বসতে অত্যুৎসাহী। নওয়াজ শরিফ চাইছিলেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ তার নির্দেশ চোখ বুজে মেনে চলুক - যেমনটি গণতান্ত্রিক সমাজে হয়ে থাকে। কিন্তু সেনাপ্রধান পারভেজ মুশাররফ এমন বান্দা নন। তাই দুইজনের মাঝে সংঘাত অনিবার্য হয়ে ওঠে। এমন পরিস্থিতিতে বিদেশ সফরে থাকাকালে সেনাপ্রধান পারভেজ মুশাররফকে বরখাস্ত করার সিদ্ধান্ত নেন প্রধানমন্ত্রী নওয়াজ শরিফ। একইসঙ্গে পারভেজ মুশাররফকে বহনকারী বিমানকে পাকিস্তানে তিনি অবতরণ করতে দিতে রাজি ছিলেন না বলে দাবি করেছেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ।
তিন বছরের জন্য পারভেজ মুশাররফকে সেনাপ্রধান নিযুক্ত করা হয়েছিল। তাই প্রধানমন্ত্রীর সেই এখতিয়ার থাকা সত্ত্বেও তিন বছরের আগে পারভেজ মুশাররফকে বরখাস্ত করাকে অবৈধ ও বেআইনি মনে করেন তিনি। তাই পারভেজ মুশাররফ জনগণের ভোটে নির্বাচিত নওয়াজ শরিফের সরকারকে বন্দুকের নলের মুখে ক্ষমতাচ্যুত করাকে 'আইনসিদ্ধ' ও নৈতিক বলেই মনে করেন এবং এটিই হলো তার ক্ষম���া দখলের তার একমাত্র যুক্তি!
পারভেজ মুশাররফের গদিনসীন হওয়ার কাহিনি নিয়ে একটা থ্রিলার সিনেমা নির্মাণ করা যাবে। তিনি বিমান থাকাকালী��� সময়েই তার পক্ষ নিয়ে সেনাবাহিনীর সিনিয়র কিছু কর্মকর্তা সরকারকে ক্ষমতাচ্যুত করার উদ্যােগ নেয় ( পরে এসব কর্মকর্তাকে নানা উচ্চপদ দান করেছিলেন)। পাকিস্তানের রাষ্ট্রীয় টিভিতে তখন সন্ধ্যা ছয়টার ইংরেজি খবর পাঠ করে শোনানো হচ্ছিল। সেই খবরের মাঝেই আচমকা সংবাদপাঠিকা সেনাপ্রধান পারভেজ মুশাররফের বরখাস্তের সংবাদ এবং নতুন চিফ অব স্টাফ হিসেবে জেনারেল জাহাঙ্গীরের নাম ঘোষণা করেন৷ চমক এখনো বাকি আছে। তার কিছুক্ষণ পরেই একজন তরুণ ক্যাপ্টেনের নেতৃত্বে কিছু সেনাসদস্য রাষ্ট্রীয় টিভি ভবনের দেওয়াল ভেঙে টিভি ভবন দখলে নেয়। তখনই হঠাৎ টিভির স্ক্রিন কিছুক্ষণের জন্য বন্ধ হয়ে এবং খানিকক্ষণ পর টিভিতে গোলাপি রঙের একটি গোলাপের ছবি ভেসে উঠতে থাকে। আরও কিছু সময় পরে টিভির পর্দায় সেনাবাহিনীর গান বাজতে থাকে। আর, তাতেই জনগণ যা বোঝার বুঝে নেয় বলে দাবি করেছেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ।
অন্যদিকে, সেনাবাহিনীর একটি দল প্রধানমন্ত্রী নওয়াজকে সপরিবারে বন্দি করে। ক্ষমতা দখল করেন নওয়াজের বরখাস্তকৃত সেনাপ্রধান পারভেজ মুশাররফ।
পারভেজ মুশাররফ এখানেই থামেননি। তিনি নওয়াজ শরিফকে সপরিবারে সৌদি আরবে আশ্রয় নিতে বাধ্য করেন। যদিও লিখেছেন, তৎকালীন সৌদি যুবরাজের অনুরোধে দুর্নীতির দায়ে বিচার না করে নওয়াজ শরিফকে রেহাই দিয়েছিলেন তিনি এবং বাইজ্জত দেশত্যাগ করার সুযোগ দিয়েছিলেন। হ্যাঁ, এ-ও অসন্তুষ্টি নিয়ে উল্লেখ করেছেন, নওয়াজ শরিফের ছোটো ভাই শাহবাজ শরিফ একটা ত্যাঁদড়। নওয়াজের মতো সে দেশত্যাগে রাজি ছিল না।
স্রেফ উর্দি জড়িয়ে কাঁহাতক গদিতে থাকা যায়! চাই একখান রাজনৈতিক দলের ছাতা। প্রথমে মরে যাওয়া জিন্নাহ মুসলিম লীগকে জিন্দা করতে চেয়েছিলেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। স্মরণযোগ্য, জিন্না মুসলিম লীগের প্রতিষ্ঠাতা ছিলেন হোসেন শহীদ সোহরাওয়ার্দী। কিন্তু এত হ্যাঁপা একজন সেনাপতির সইবে কেন? তাই তিনি রাজনীতিবিদ চৌধুরী সুজাতের পরামর্শে নওয়াজ শরিফের মুসলিম লীগকেই দখল করে নিলেন। আর, এই জবরদখলে সেনাবাহিনীর কর্মকর্তারা তাকে সাহায্য করে। প্রথমে নির্বাচিত প্রধানমন্ত্রী নওয়াজ শরিফের উজিরে আজম কুরসি এবং পরে তার দলকেই দখল করে ফেললেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। বিচিত্র গণতন্ত্রী বটে! তিনি স্বস্তি নিয়ে লিখেছেন, নওয়াজ শরিফ বিদেশে চলে যাওয়ায় ভালোই হয়েছে। দেশে থাকলে দল গঠন ( পড়ুন, দল দখল) করতে বাঁধা দিত।
সরকার চালানোর জন্য কিছু বুদ্ধিজীবী দরকার। অগণতান্ত্রিক সরকারে যোগ দেওয়ার জন্য উপমহাদেশে বুদ্ধিজীবীর কমতি কস্মিনকালেও ছিল না। পারভেজ মুশাররফও বেশি বিপদে পড়েননি৷ বিশ্বব্যাংকের সাবেক কর্মকর্তাকে অর্থমন্ত্রী করেছেন। বানিয়েছেন পরে পুতুল প্রধানমন্ত্রী। এমনই কিছু লোককে নিয়ে গঠন করেছেন মন্ত্রিসভা। যাদের আনুগত্যে তিনি মুগ্ধ।
পাকিস্তানের আদালত যখন যার, তখন তার। গণতন্ত্র ও ইনসাফের সঙ্গে তাদের কোনো সংযুক্তি নেই। বিচারপতি মুনীর 'ডকট্রিন অফ নেসেসিটি'র কথা বলে আইয়ুব খানের ক্ষমতা দখলকে আইনত জায়েজ করার ব্যবস্থা করে দিয়েছিল। পারভেজ মুশাররফকে তিন বছর ক্ষমতায় থাকার ও সংস্কার কাজ চালানোর অনুমতি দেয় পাকিস্তানের সর্বোচ্চ আদালত। এসব কথা পারভেজ মুশাররফ নিজেই লিখেছেন।
নামমাত্র গণভোটের মাধ্যমে সেনা অভ্যুত্থানকে বৈধতা দেওয়া চেষ্টা করেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। ভোটে ব্যাপক কারচুপির অভিযোগের সত্যতা স্বীকার করে তিনি লিখেছেন, হয়তো নওয়াজ শরিফের দলের লোকেরা তার সুনাম নষ্ট করতে সরকারি কর্মকর্তাকে মাধ্যমে ভোটে কারচুপি করিয়েছে! অবৈধভাবে ক্ষমতা দখলকারীদের মাথায় সব সময় বিচিত্র ও বর্ণিল যুক্তি ঘুরপাক খায়। জনগণের কাছে তা যতই অবিশ্বাস্য হোক না কেন, তাদের কাছে নিজেদের ক্ষমতা দখলের পক্ষে ১০১টা 'কু'যুক্তি থাকবে।
টুইন টাওয়ারে হামলার পরপরই ইউএসের তৎকালীন পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী পারভেজ মুশাররফকে কল করে বলেন, হয় আপনি আমাদের পক্ষে অথবা আমাদের বিপক্ষে। পাকিস্তানের নড়বড়ে রাষ্ট্রপতি পারভেজ মুশাররফের সাহস ছিল না কিছু বলেন। তিনি চোখ বুজে যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের নেতৃত্বে পরিচালিত সন্ত্রাসবাদবিরোধী যুদ্ধে সমর্থন দেন। পাকিস্তানে তৈরি হয় এক নতুন ইতিহাস।
পারভেজ মুশাররফের আগে প্রায় এক দশক পাকিস্তানের বস ছিলেন জেনারেল জিয়াউল হক। তিনি তার রাজনৈতিক নিয়োগকর্তা ভুট্টোকে ফাঁসিতে ঝুলিয়ে ক্ষমতার ভিত মজবুত করেছিলেন। এসব অগণতান্ত্রিক সরকার সব সময় ধর্মকে হাতিয়ার হিসেবে ব্যবহার করে। জেনারেল জিয়াউল হকের আমলেই পাকিস্তানের প্রতিবেশী আফগানিস্তানে সোভিয়েত ইউনিয়ন আগ্রাসন চালায়। যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের আর্থিক মদদে ও তেলধনী রাষ্ট্রগুলোর বুদ্ধি এবং অর্থায়নে পাকিস্তান হয়ে ওঠে আ্যন্টি-সোভিয়েট যুদ্ধের সবচেয়ে বড়ো আশ্রয়স্থল। জিহাদিদের পাকিস্তানের রাষ্ট্রীয় মদদে আফগানিস্তানে পাঠানো হতো। মোল্লা ওমর ও ওসামা বিন লাদেনের উত্থান ইউএসসহ তেলধনীদের পয়সায় এবং পাকিস্তানের রাষ্ট্রপতি জেনারেল জিয়াউল হকের তত্ত্বাবধানে। আফগানিস্তানের ছেড়ে সোভিয়েত ইউনিয়ন চলে যেতে বাধ্য হয়। তখন ইউএসও তাদের ফান্ড বন্ধ করে দেয় এবং আফগানিস্তানের ভবিষ্যৎ কী হবে তা নিয়ে তাদের আর কোনো মাথাব্যথা ছিল না। আর, তখনই ধর্মীয় উগ্রবাদী গোষ্ঠী তালেবানের হাতে ক্ষমতা চলে আসে। এদেরকে সমর্থন করত একদল পাকিস্তানি মো্লা। এসবই লিখেছেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। তার দেশে সন্ত্রাসবাদের রমরমার জন্য নিজেদের রাষ্ট্রীয় নীতিকেই দায়ী করেছেন তিনি।
সন্ত্রাসবাদ মোকাবিলা করার কেচ্ছা পাতার পর পাতা জুড়ে লিখেছেন। কিন্তু তাতে সাফল্যের কথা সামান্যই মেলে।
বাজপেয়ী প্রধানমন্ত্রী থাকাকালে ভারত সফর করেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। সেখানে তাকে অনেক সম্মান দেওয়া হয়। কিন্তু ভারতীয়দের কূটবুদ্ধির কাছে তিনি কীভাবে ধরাশায়ী হন তা দুঃখ নিয়ে লিখেছেন। মূলত, ভারতীয়দের 'নেগোসিয়েশন পাওয়ার' অনেক বেশি। পারভেজ মুশাররফের অভিজ্ঞতাও সেই সাক্ষ্য দেয়।
একনায়কদের সাধারণত লাজ-শরম থাকে না। কোনো সুস্থ ও স্বাভাবিক মস্তিষ্কের মানুষের পক্ষে অবৈধভাবে ক্ষমতা দখল ও তা নিয়ে পৃষ্ঠার পর পৃষ্ঠা জুড়ে সাফাই দেওয়া অসম্ভব। আর, এই অসম্ভব কাজটিই করেছেন পাকিস্তানের সাবেক সেনাশাসক পারভেজ মুশাররফ। তার লেখা পড়লে মনে হবে, তিনি মোটামুটি ভুলত্রুটির ঊর্ধ্বে একজন মানুষ। প্রায় তিন শ পাতার বইতে কেবল আত্মপ্রশংসার নামে আত্মপ্রচার ; নেই কোনো আত্মসমালোচনা বালাই।
এই বইটা আত্মজীবনী হিসেবে ব্যর্থ। কিন্তু একজন একনায়কের মনোজগৎ বোঝাতে অনেকটাই সফল। অগণতান্ত্রিক উপায়ে ক্ষমতা দখলকারীরা কীভাবে সংস্কার, কমিশন, নারীর ক্ষমতায়ন, ধর্মীয় উগ্রবাদ মোকাবিলা ও গণতন্ত্রের ভাঁওতা দিয়ে জনগণকে বেকুব বানায় তা জানতে অবশ্যই পড়ুন 'In The Line Of Fire'.
দেশভাগের আগে ভারতে জন্মগ্রহণ করেছিলেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। তার পিতা ফরেন সার্ভিসে ছিলেন। তাই বিভিন্ন দেশে বেড়ে উঠেছেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। তার ছোটোবেলার স্মৃতিচারণ তিনি করেছেন।
পাকিস্তান সেনাবাহিনীতে যোগদানের পর কাকুলে কষ্টসাধ্য প্রশিক্ষণের কথা মোটামুটি বিশদ লিখেছেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ।
কিশোর বয়স থেকেই নিয়ম ভাঙায় সিদ্ধহস্ত ছিলেন মুশাররফ। সেনাবাহিনীতে যুক্ত হয়ে তিনি কানুনের তোয়াক্কা করবেন না - এ যেন স্বাভাবিক ছিল!
পারভেজ মুশাররফের সেনাপ্রধান হওয়ার কথা ছিল না। একাধিক সিনিয়র জেনারেলকে ডিঙিয়ে পারভেজ মুশাররফকে সেনাপ্রধান করেছিলেন মুসলিম লীগ সরকারের প্রধানমন্ত্রী নওয়াজ শরিফ। পারভেজ মুশাররফের দাবি, নওয়াজ শরিফ তাকে তুলনামূলক সহজে নিয়ন্ত্রণ করতে পারবে - এমন চিন্তা থেকেই হয়তো সেনাপ্রধান করেছিল।
পাকিস্তানে কোনো পেশাদার সেনাবাহিনী গড়ে ওঠেনি। তারা রাজনৈতিক সরকারের অধীনে থাকতে স্বাচ্ছন্দ্যবোধ করে না। বরং নিজেরাই সরকার হয়ে বসতে অত্যুৎসাহী। নওয়াজ শরিফ চাইছিলেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ তার নির্দেশ চোখ বুজে মেনে চলুক - যেমনটি গণতান্ত্রিক সমাজে হয়ে থাকে। কিন্তু সেনাপ্রধান পারভেজ মুশাররফ এমন বান্দা নন। তাই দুইজনের মাঝে সংঘাত অনিবার্য হয়ে ওঠে। এমন পরিস্থিতিতে বিদেশ সফরে থাকাকালে সেনাপ্রধান পারভেজ মুশাররফকে বরখাস্ত করার সিদ্ধান্ত নেন প্রধানমন্ত্রী নওয়াজ শরিফ। একইসঙ্গে পারভেজ মুশাররফকে বহনকারী বিমানকে পাকিস্তানে তিনি অবতরণ করতে দিতে রাজি ছিলেন না বলে দাবি করেছেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ।
তিন বছরের জন্য পারভেজ মুশাররফকে সেনাপ্রধান নিযুক্ত করা হয়েছিল। তাই প্রধানমন্ত্রীর সেই এখতিয়ার থাকা সত্ত্বেও তিন বছরের আগে পারভেজ মুশাররফকে বরখাস্ত করাকে অবৈধ ও বেআইনি মনে করেন তিনি। তাই পারভেজ মুশাররফ জনগণের ভোটে নির্বাচিত নওয়াজ শরিফের সরকারকে বন্দুকের নলের মুখে ক্ষমতাচ্যুত করাকে 'আইনসিদ্ধ' ও নৈতিক বলেই মনে করেন এবং এটিই হলো তার ক্ষম���া দখলের তার একমাত্র যুক্তি!
পারভেজ মুশাররফের গদিনসীন হওয়ার কাহিনি নিয়ে একটা থ্রিলার সিনেমা নির্মাণ করা যাবে। তিনি বিমান থাকাকালী��� সময়েই তার পক্ষ নিয়ে সেনাবাহিনীর সিনিয়র কিছু কর্মকর্তা সরকারকে ক্ষমতাচ্যুত করার উদ্যােগ নেয় ( পরে এসব কর্মকর্তাকে নানা উচ্চপদ দান করেছিলেন)। পাকিস্তানের রাষ্ট্রীয় টিভিতে তখন সন্ধ্যা ছয়টার ইংরেজি খবর পাঠ করে শোনানো হচ্ছিল। সেই খবরের মাঝেই আচমকা সংবাদপাঠিকা সেনাপ্রধান পারভেজ মুশাররফের বরখাস্তের সংবাদ এবং নতুন চিফ অব স্টাফ হিসেবে জেনারেল জাহাঙ্গীরের নাম ঘোষণা করেন৷ চমক এখনো বাকি আছে। তার কিছুক্ষণ পরেই একজন তরুণ ক্যাপ্টেনের নেতৃত্বে কিছু সেনাসদস্য রাষ্ট্রীয় টিভি ভবনের দেওয়াল ভেঙে টিভি ভবন দখলে নেয়। তখনই হঠাৎ টিভির স্ক্রিন কিছুক্ষণের জন্য বন্ধ হয়ে এবং খানিকক্ষণ পর টিভিতে গোলাপি রঙের একটি গোলাপের ছবি ভেসে উঠতে থাকে। আরও কিছু সময় পরে টিভির পর্দায় সেনাবাহিনীর গান বাজতে থাকে। আর, তাতেই জনগণ যা বোঝার বুঝে নেয় বলে দাবি করেছেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ।
অন্যদিকে, সেনাবাহিনীর একটি দল প্রধানমন্ত্রী নওয়াজকে সপরিবারে বন্দি করে। ক্ষমতা দখল করেন নওয়াজের বরখাস্তকৃত সেনাপ্রধান পারভেজ মুশাররফ।
পারভেজ মুশাররফ এখানেই থামেননি। তিনি নওয়াজ শরিফকে সপরিবারে সৌদি আরবে আশ্রয় নিতে বাধ্য করেন। যদিও লিখেছেন, তৎকালীন সৌদি যুবরাজের অনুরোধে দুর্নীতির দায়ে বিচার না করে নওয়াজ শরিফকে রেহাই দিয়েছিলেন তিনি এবং বাইজ্জত দেশত্যাগ করার সুযোগ দিয়েছিলেন। হ্যাঁ, এ-ও অসন্তুষ্টি নিয়ে উল্লেখ করেছেন, নওয়াজ শরিফের ছোটো ভাই শাহবাজ শরিফ একটা ত্যাঁদড়। নওয়াজের মতো সে দেশত্যাগে রাজি ছিল না।
স্রেফ উর্দি জড়িয়ে কাঁহাতক গদিতে থাকা যায়! চাই একখান রাজনৈতিক দলের ছাতা। প্রথমে মরে যাওয়া জিন্নাহ মুসলিম লীগকে জিন্দা করতে চেয়েছিলেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। স্মরণযোগ্য, জিন্না মুসলিম লীগের প্রতিষ্ঠাতা ছিলেন হোসেন শহীদ সোহরাওয়ার্দী। কিন্তু এত হ্যাঁপা একজন সেনাপতির সইবে কেন? তাই তিনি রাজনীতিবিদ চৌধুরী সুজাতের পরামর্শে নওয়াজ শরিফের মুসলিম লীগকেই দখল করে নিলেন। আর, এই জবরদখলে সেনাবাহিনীর কর্মকর্তারা তাকে সাহায্য করে। প্রথমে নির্বাচিত প্রধানমন্ত্রী নওয়াজ শরিফের উজিরে আজম কুরসি এবং পরে তার দলকেই দখল করে ফেললেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। বিচিত্র গণতন্ত্রী বটে! তিনি স্বস্তি নিয়ে লিখেছেন, নওয়াজ শরিফ বিদেশে চলে যাওয়ায় ভালোই হয়েছে। দেশে থাকলে দল গঠন ( পড়ুন, দল দখল) করতে বাঁধা দিত।
সরকার চালানোর জন্য কিছু বুদ্ধিজীবী দরকার। অগণতান্ত্রিক সরকারে যোগ দেওয়ার জন্য উপমহাদেশে বুদ্ধিজীবীর কমতি কস্মিনকালেও ছিল না। পারভেজ মুশাররফও বেশি বিপদে পড়েননি৷ বিশ্বব্যাংকের সাবেক কর্মকর্তাকে অর্থমন্ত্রী করেছেন। বানিয়েছেন পরে পুতুল প্রধানমন্ত্রী। এমনই কিছু লোককে নিয়ে গঠন করেছেন মন্ত্রিসভা। যাদের আনুগত্যে তিনি মুগ্ধ।
পাকিস্তানের আদালত যখন যার, তখন তার। গণতন্ত্র ও ইনসাফের সঙ্গে তাদের কোনো সংযুক্তি নেই। বিচারপতি মুনীর 'ডকট্রিন অফ নেসেসিটি'র কথা বলে আইয়ুব খানের ক্ষমতা দখলকে আইনত জায়েজ করার ব্যবস্থা করে দিয়েছিল। পারভেজ মুশাররফকে তিন বছর ক্ষমতায় থাকার ও সংস্কার কাজ চালানোর অনুমতি দেয় পাকিস্তানের সর্বোচ্চ আদালত। এসব কথা পারভেজ মুশাররফ নিজেই লিখেছেন।
নামমাত্র গণভোটের মাধ্যমে সেনা অভ্যুত্থানকে বৈধতা দেওয়া চেষ্টা করেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। ভোটে ব্যাপক কারচুপির অভিযোগের সত্যতা স্বীকার করে তিনি লিখেছেন, হয়তো নওয়াজ শরিফের দলের লোকেরা তার সুনাম নষ্ট করতে সরকারি কর্মকর্তাকে মাধ্যমে ভোটে কারচুপি করিয়েছে! অবৈধভাবে ক্ষমতা দখলকারীদের মাথায় সব সময় বিচিত্র ও বর্ণিল যুক্তি ঘুরপাক খায়। জনগণের কাছে তা যতই অবিশ্বাস্য হোক না কেন, তাদের কাছে নিজেদের ক্ষমতা দখলের পক্ষে ১০১টা 'কু'যুক্তি থাকবে।
টুইন টাওয়ারে হামলার পরপরই ইউএসের তৎকালীন পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী পারভেজ মুশাররফকে কল করে বলেন, হয় আপনি আমাদের পক্ষে অথবা আমাদের বিপক্ষে। পাকিস্তানের নড়বড়ে রাষ্ট্রপতি পারভেজ মুশাররফের সাহস ছিল না কিছু বলেন। তিনি চোখ বুজে যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের নেতৃত্বে পরিচালিত সন্ত্রাসবাদবিরোধী যুদ্ধে সমর্থন দেন। পাকিস্তানে তৈরি হয় এক নতুন ইতিহাস।
পারভেজ মুশাররফের আগে প্রায় এক দশক পাকিস্তানের বস ছিলেন জেনারেল জিয়াউল হক। তিনি তার রাজনৈতিক নিয়োগকর্তা ভুট্টোকে ফাঁসিতে ঝুলিয়ে ক্ষমতার ভিত মজবুত করেছিলেন। এসব অগণতান্ত্রিক সরকার সব সময় ধর্মকে হাতিয়ার হিসেবে ব্যবহার করে। জেনারেল জিয়াউল হকের আমলেই পাকিস্তানের প্রতিবেশী আফগানিস্তানে সোভিয়েত ইউনিয়ন আগ্রাসন চালায়। যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের আর্থিক মদদে ও তেলধনী রাষ্ট্রগুলোর বুদ্ধি এবং অর্থায়নে পাকিস্তান হয়ে ওঠে আ্যন্টি-সোভিয়েট যুদ্ধের সবচেয়ে বড়ো আশ্রয়স্থল। জিহাদিদের পাকিস্তানের রাষ্ট্রীয় মদদে আফগানিস্তানে পাঠানো হতো। মোল্লা ওমর ও ওসামা বিন লাদেনের উত্থান ইউএসসহ তেলধনীদের পয়সায় এবং পাকিস্তানের রাষ্ট্রপতি জেনারেল জিয়াউল হকের তত্ত্বাবধানে। আফগানিস্তানের ছেড়ে সোভিয়েত ইউনিয়ন চলে যেতে বাধ্য হয়। তখন ইউএসও তাদের ফান্ড বন্ধ করে দেয় এবং আফগানিস্তানের ভবিষ্যৎ কী হবে তা নিয়ে তাদের আর কোনো মাথাব্যথা ছিল না। আর, তখনই ধর্মীয় উগ্রবাদী গোষ্ঠী তালেবানের হাতে ক্ষমতা চলে আসে। এদেরকে সমর্থন করত একদল পাকিস্তানি মো্লা। এসবই লিখেছেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। তার দেশে সন্ত্রাসবাদের রমরমার জন্য নিজেদের রাষ্ট্রীয় নীতিকেই দায়ী করেছেন তিনি।
সন্ত্রাসবাদ মোকাবিলা করার কেচ্ছা পাতার পর পাতা জুড়ে লিখেছেন। কিন্তু তাতে সাফল্যের কথা সামান্যই মেলে।
বাজপেয়ী প্রধানমন্ত্রী থাকাকালে ভারত সফর করেন পারভেজ মুশাররফ। সেখানে তাকে অনেক সম্মান দেওয়া হয়। কিন্তু ভারতীয়দের কূটবুদ্ধির কাছে তিনি কীভাবে ধরাশায়ী হন তা দুঃখ নিয়ে লিখেছেন। মূলত, ভারতীয়দের 'নেগোসিয়েশন পাওয়ার' অনেক বেশি। পারভেজ মুশাররফের অভিজ্ঞতাও সেই সাক্ষ্য দেয়।
একনায়কদের সাধারণত লাজ-শরম থাকে না। কোনো সুস্থ ও স্বাভাবিক মস্তিষ্কের মানুষের পক্ষে অবৈধভাবে ক্ষমতা দখল ও তা নিয়ে পৃষ্ঠার পর পৃষ্ঠা জুড়ে সাফাই দেওয়া অসম্ভব। আর, এই অসম্ভব কাজটিই করেছেন পাকিস্তানের সাবেক সেনাশাসক পারভেজ মুশাররফ। তার লেখা পড়লে মনে হবে, তিনি মোটামুটি ভুলত্রুটির ঊর্ধ্বে একজন মানুষ। প্রায় তিন শ পাতার বইতে কেবল আত্মপ্রশংসার নামে আত্মপ্রচার ; নেই কোনো আত্মসমালোচনা বালাই।
এই বইটা আত্মজীবনী হিসেবে ব্যর্থ। কিন্তু একজন একনায়কের মনোজগৎ বোঝাতে অনেকটাই সফল। অগণতান্ত্রিক উপায়ে ক্ষমতা দখলকারীরা কীভাবে সংস্কার, কমিশন, নারীর ক্ষমতায়ন, ধর্মীয় উগ্রবাদ মোকাবিলা ও গণতন্ত্রের ভাঁওতা দিয়ে জনগণকে বেকুব বানায় তা জানতে অবশ্যই পড়ুন 'In The Line Of Fire'.
October 6, 2008
Boy does this guy think a lot of himself. His boasting is enough to make one want to reach for a very long feather and bring forth one’s latest meal. He seems never to tire, for instance, when telling about his childhood, of reporting that he got the highest grades in this or that subject. It makes me wonder if there is not some deep-seated insecurity which he is trying to mask by doing so. Errors are in short supply here. He describes his rambunctousness as being “naughty.” It was a struggle to complete the thing. I kept hoping for bits of analysis that could not be mistaken for blame. I also found myself wondering, as he describes this death and that explosion whether he was not himself the responsible party.
His tale of the coup that brought him to power is compelling reading, even if one gets the sense that there are many things being left out. Of interest is his description of Pakistan’s geopolitical issues. He was quite offended by the terse manner in which Colin Powell and Richard Armitage demanded Pakistani help, but says that he considered all the factors involved and decided that it was in the interest of Pakistan to help the USA. But he remains annoyed that he has not been given what he believes to be proper recognition for all that Pakistan has accomplished, from being one of the few nations in a position to communicate with the Taliban to the large number of al Qaeda captured in Pakistan, many of whom have been handed over to the USA. He does talk about the provincial areas and addresses the problems of governance that these places present, noting that the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan is quite porous, has ever been thus, and that the areas on both sides of the border are populated by the same ethic group. As usual, he presents as rosy as possible a picture of Pakistan efforts and results. He blames his predecessors, of course, for aiding the Taliban, but notes that even the USA supported the Taliban for a time, based on the group’s ability to bring a sort of order to the tribal chaos that ruled in that unfortunate nation after the Soviets had been driven out. He makes no note of the notion that it was in the Pakistan’s interest to keep Afghanistan from developing into too strong a country. He pointed out that Pakistan had a natural antipathy toward the Northern Alliance, as they are made up of ethnic groups other than the Pashtun that dominate in Pakistan, and in the Taliban. He also makes light of the activities of A.Q. Khan, as if distributing nuclear technology to sundry third-world nations was not a crime of the highest order. Does anyone actually believe that Khan did his thing without the ok of Musharraf?
One item of gruesome interest was that in one of the assassination attempts made on him, the bomber’s face, yes his face, blew off. It was brought to plastic surgeons who figured out what it had looked like over a skull and used that in helping identify him. There is a photo of the loose face in the book, surreal.
This book significantly altered my view of Musharraf. Despite the fact that he came to power via coup d’etat, I had believed that he was, at heart, a decent sort, whose interest really was the security of his country. I could understand that he did not expend his political capital in attempting to gain control of the border provinces, as it certainly seems that they are uncontrollable. But after reading this book, instead of a national leader struggling to cope with contradictory demands, I see instead a confirmed egotist, maybe even a sociopath, charming for sure, but concerned with only one thing, Musharraf. While the governance of Pakistan today (October 2008) may be chaotic, and may, ultimately, result in more harm than would have been the case under Musharraf’s continued rule, it is still queasy-making to justify the continuation in power of this guy based on the view that while he may be a son of a bitch he is our son of a bitch. He is no one’s son of a bitch but his own.
His tale of the coup that brought him to power is compelling reading, even if one gets the sense that there are many things being left out. Of interest is his description of Pakistan’s geopolitical issues. He was quite offended by the terse manner in which Colin Powell and Richard Armitage demanded Pakistani help, but says that he considered all the factors involved and decided that it was in the interest of Pakistan to help the USA. But he remains annoyed that he has not been given what he believes to be proper recognition for all that Pakistan has accomplished, from being one of the few nations in a position to communicate with the Taliban to the large number of al Qaeda captured in Pakistan, many of whom have been handed over to the USA. He does talk about the provincial areas and addresses the problems of governance that these places present, noting that the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan is quite porous, has ever been thus, and that the areas on both sides of the border are populated by the same ethic group. As usual, he presents as rosy as possible a picture of Pakistan efforts and results. He blames his predecessors, of course, for aiding the Taliban, but notes that even the USA supported the Taliban for a time, based on the group’s ability to bring a sort of order to the tribal chaos that ruled in that unfortunate nation after the Soviets had been driven out. He makes no note of the notion that it was in the Pakistan’s interest to keep Afghanistan from developing into too strong a country. He pointed out that Pakistan had a natural antipathy toward the Northern Alliance, as they are made up of ethnic groups other than the Pashtun that dominate in Pakistan, and in the Taliban. He also makes light of the activities of A.Q. Khan, as if distributing nuclear technology to sundry third-world nations was not a crime of the highest order. Does anyone actually believe that Khan did his thing without the ok of Musharraf?
One item of gruesome interest was that in one of the assassination attempts made on him, the bomber’s face, yes his face, blew off. It was brought to plastic surgeons who figured out what it had looked like over a skull and used that in helping identify him. There is a photo of the loose face in the book, surreal.
This book significantly altered my view of Musharraf. Despite the fact that he came to power via coup d’etat, I had believed that he was, at heart, a decent sort, whose interest really was the security of his country. I could understand that he did not expend his political capital in attempting to gain control of the border provinces, as it certainly seems that they are uncontrollable. But after reading this book, instead of a national leader struggling to cope with contradictory demands, I see instead a confirmed egotist, maybe even a sociopath, charming for sure, but concerned with only one thing, Musharraf. While the governance of Pakistan today (October 2008) may be chaotic, and may, ultimately, result in more harm than would have been the case under Musharraf’s continued rule, it is still queasy-making to justify the continuation in power of this guy based on the view that while he may be a son of a bitch he is our son of a bitch. He is no one’s son of a bitch but his own.
June 12, 2008
A solid autobiography, though it is obvious that English is a second language. There is a multitude of his stories that begin with, "One day..." I noticed that a lot!
Very interesting stories throughout his life, however. I think this shows a side of Gen Musharraf that most people do not know or do not want to invest the time to find out. He seems like a genuinely good soul who cares deeply about his country and especially about his (and his Army's) service to Pakistan.
Great book. I'd recommend it to anyone who would like a better understanding of what's been going on in Pakistan up until the most recent elections.
Very interesting stories throughout his life, however. I think this shows a side of Gen Musharraf that most people do not know or do not want to invest the time to find out. He seems like a genuinely good soul who cares deeply about his country and especially about his (and his Army's) service to Pakistan.
Great book. I'd recommend it to anyone who would like a better understanding of what's been going on in Pakistan up until the most recent elections.
February 15, 2010
President's Musharraf's own biography, seems to have been written in a hurry, but also gives a fascinating insight into his own views and perceptions about his experience as president of Pakistan 1999-2008. Clearly from the point of view of a leader of Pakistan, but I learned a lot about issues of intelligence and pressures from the USA on Pakistan in the early and mid 2000s, that were not written about in the media.
May 24, 2017
Book is written in desi english , (only Pakistanis can understand what i meant by this) ....
The book is divided in two halves first half deals with his personal life, 2nd half accounts his works for the country.
the famous tale starts from indian migrating family who suffered partition .
GM family stayed in karachi initially , then for brief period of 7 they stayed in turkey and finally settled again in karachi Pakistan.
GM childhood is insignificant like other middle class boys except few ventures.
He was good in sports and a naughty student. On one account he with his gang placed fire crackers in front of warden's home.
His words narrate laughing story how he had been dilvering latters to his lover through nani( forcing her to visit neighbors and secretly placing letters in her burqa( traditional cloak weared by women) .
Wheel of his life spuns when he joins army, and there is detailed account of his long adventures. He brags how he excelled his seniors and taught them tecniques , especially his perfect aim of his guns shots faster run up .
He is not eleborative how the evil witch of bhutto turned every gold to iron, he criticise superficially like a common man.
Mushraf is brave, to disagree with his political alies when it comes to national intrests.
He has hard stance for zia's justice to the poor especially lashing incident was worth reading.But he fails to give any strong reason to oppose these people on national front.
Most intresting part of the book countercoup to the coup prevailed by nawaz
How his plane landed....
Col Shahid ali bluff master , stole the whole show.
The upsurge of friction between nawaz and GM was court martial of 2 army officals and firing of Friday times editor which musharaf refused to do.
Nail to coffin was kargil incident where GM wanted to fight but cowardly nawaz order to retreat the forces. Later nawaz's statement that " it were mujhadeen who invaded indian land " brought humiliation and international isolation on kargil subject we lost it on paper too because of nawaz shareif. ( how could mujahideen survived in those tough conditions without special uniforms).
He favoured women empowerment and worked for rights of minorities.
Last half of the book is highly debatable which par exceeds my analysis(especially romance between musharaf and taliban is to complex to be discussed here. But it bores serious questions to him like?
Mushraf was against iftikhar ch because he reversed the descision to privatise steals mills?
He included corrupt politicians with himself? Ended up by just being in power
His moto was sab se phly Pakistan? Why did he allied US
Its against the constitution of pakistan to give its own people to another country without a courty trail . Why did he sold Pakistani people? He was used by US
Lal masjid case was nail to the coffin TO his never ending story
The book is divided in two halves first half deals with his personal life, 2nd half accounts his works for the country.
the famous tale starts from indian migrating family who suffered partition .
GM family stayed in karachi initially , then for brief period of 7 they stayed in turkey and finally settled again in karachi Pakistan.
GM childhood is insignificant like other middle class boys except few ventures.
He was good in sports and a naughty student. On one account he with his gang placed fire crackers in front of warden's home.
His words narrate laughing story how he had been dilvering latters to his lover through nani( forcing her to visit neighbors and secretly placing letters in her burqa( traditional cloak weared by women) .
Wheel of his life spuns when he joins army, and there is detailed account of his long adventures. He brags how he excelled his seniors and taught them tecniques , especially his perfect aim of his guns shots faster run up .
He is not eleborative how the evil witch of bhutto turned every gold to iron, he criticise superficially like a common man.
Mushraf is brave, to disagree with his political alies when it comes to national intrests.
He has hard stance for zia's justice to the poor especially lashing incident was worth reading.But he fails to give any strong reason to oppose these people on national front.
Most intresting part of the book countercoup to the coup prevailed by nawaz
How his plane landed....
Col Shahid ali bluff master , stole the whole show.
The upsurge of friction between nawaz and GM was court martial of 2 army officals and firing of Friday times editor which musharaf refused to do.
Nail to coffin was kargil incident where GM wanted to fight but cowardly nawaz order to retreat the forces. Later nawaz's statement that " it were mujhadeen who invaded indian land " brought humiliation and international isolation on kargil subject we lost it on paper too because of nawaz shareif. ( how could mujahideen survived in those tough conditions without special uniforms).
He favoured women empowerment and worked for rights of minorities.
Last half of the book is highly debatable which par exceeds my analysis(especially romance between musharaf and taliban is to complex to be discussed here. But it bores serious questions to him like?
Mushraf was against iftikhar ch because he reversed the descision to privatise steals mills?
He included corrupt politicians with himself? Ended up by just being in power
His moto was sab se phly Pakistan? Why did he allied US
Its against the constitution of pakistan to give its own people to another country without a courty trail . Why did he sold Pakistani people? He was used by US
Lal masjid case was nail to the coffin TO his never ending story
October 18, 2009
After reading the book, me as an Indian who has access to information from various sources would like to disagree with the factual accuracy presented in the book, especially the overt and covert wars with India. Many a times I felt the strength of India has been undermined. Probably the author reflected his sense of insecurity.
Musharraf has played it to the gallery by repeatedly conveying anti India rhetoric....he had his target audience in mind. I am sure the book must have sold like hot cakes. My question to him...was it really necessary to adopt to such marketing strategy ?
What the book bring out from beginning to end is only 'self praise' and nothing else. I admire his rationality in thinking his.. repeat, his alone thought process is correct and rest of the world is wrong. Probably this very thought process of his has made him reach places where no other Army General from Pakistan could go. He has got gift of the gab and immense power of convincing his conviction to the world.
In total it was good read, comic and hilarious at several places. It could have been better balanced with addition of his certain shortcomings/falacies.
Musharraf has played it to the gallery by repeatedly conveying anti India rhetoric....he had his target audience in mind. I am sure the book must have sold like hot cakes. My question to him...was it really necessary to adopt to such marketing strategy ?
What the book bring out from beginning to end is only 'self praise' and nothing else. I admire his rationality in thinking his.. repeat, his alone thought process is correct and rest of the world is wrong. Probably this very thought process of his has made him reach places where no other Army General from Pakistan could go. He has got gift of the gab and immense power of convincing his conviction to the world.
In total it was good read, comic and hilarious at several places. It could have been better balanced with addition of his certain shortcomings/falacies.
November 10, 2019
This autobiography by the the last military dictator of Pakistan, which was written while still being in office, starts off with the dramatic scenario of an assassination attempt on Musharraf. While the first few chapters describe his early romantic, athletic and driven life in Karachi and Turkey, the rest of the book is full of score-settling, but it does give insight into the perspective of the Muslim world on the events of 9/11, the murder of US journalist Daniel Pearl, the ongoing efforts to dislodge Al-Qaeda from the borders with Afghanistan and the fight against the 'Talibanisation' threatening Pakistan from the same direction. Nowhere is to be found, the mastermind plan of military coup, and the Kargil account is too confusing for that matter. All in all, this is a hastily written memoir.
December 25, 2009
One word: Narcissism.
Musharraf did two things really right in writing this book: He provided a gripping narrative of the events that lead up to his assuming leadership of Pakistan in 1999 and His reflections on the world into which Pakistan was shoved following September 11 2001 are unique and quite valuable to anyone seeking to understand a crazy time in a corner of the world about which everyone seems to hold an opinion without actually having a foundation of understanding.
The rest of the book has some cute moments and Musharraf's somewhat self-serving accounts of diplomatic summits and his handling of the AQ Kahn incident make for a good read. But, theres is just too much self-aggrandizing gobbly-gook for the book to be of real value.
Musharraf did two things really right in writing this book: He provided a gripping narrative of the events that lead up to his assuming leadership of Pakistan in 1999 and His reflections on the world into which Pakistan was shoved following September 11 2001 are unique and quite valuable to anyone seeking to understand a crazy time in a corner of the world about which everyone seems to hold an opinion without actually having a foundation of understanding.
The rest of the book has some cute moments and Musharraf's somewhat self-serving accounts of diplomatic summits and his handling of the AQ Kahn incident make for a good read. But, theres is just too much self-aggrandizing gobbly-gook for the book to be of real value.
August 10, 2019
In the line of fire is the autobiography of former President and Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan, Pervaiz Musharaf.
He thoroughly discussed his days before and after becoming President. He unbiasedly discussed army structure and his opinion about himself but he refused to discuss mistakes he made after becoming President.
There's always narcissism present in biographies written by third-world countries, so be prepared for it.
What you won't find is insight about post-nine-eleven from a leader directly involved in Afghan Conflict.
He thoroughly discussed his days before and after becoming President. He unbiasedly discussed army structure and his opinion about himself but he refused to discuss mistakes he made after becoming President.
There's always narcissism present in biographies written by third-world countries, so be prepared for it.
What you won't find is insight about post-nine-eleven from a leader directly involved in Afghan Conflict.
October 14, 2008
THIS CANT BE IN THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY GENRE......
ITS FICTION AND MAYBE A COMBINATION OF THRILLER AND HUMOR
Do you know India is responsible for all the Woes that Pakistan faces......of course we caused the damned earthquake.....We forced them to be friends with Al qaeeda, paavam they had no iota of what was happening.....Welcome to the new trillion $ eceonomy in the world....PAKISTAN
GET A BREAK MUSHY!!!!!
ITS FICTION AND MAYBE A COMBINATION OF THRILLER AND HUMOR
Do you know India is responsible for all the Woes that Pakistan faces......of course we caused the damned earthquake.....We forced them to be friends with Al qaeeda, paavam they had no iota of what was happening.....Welcome to the new trillion $ eceonomy in the world....PAKISTAN
GET A BREAK MUSHY!!!!!
March 22, 2011
Pervez Musharraf was a golden light in the history of Pakistan... at least according to Pervez Musharraf. It was an interesting read, it only to get a sense of how easy it is to persuade yourself that you are right. Despite how uncomfortable it was to read yet another personal brag, his chapter on counter terrorism efforts in Pakistan was enlightening.
March 6, 2009
Very funny. Highly hilarious.
The person should not be a president but should be a comedian..
The person should not be a president but should be a comedian..
June 19, 2013
Easily, THE worst book that I've read in quite a while. And no, it was not the anti-India rhetoric that irked me. That was a given in any case.
I knew that this wasn't likely to be the most candid/eye opening autobiography ever BUT, this was so artificial, prejudiced and unnatural that after a while; you actually end up feeling a tad miffed that the bloke takes you (the reader) for a sucker and expects you to gobble up this drivel.
Sure glad that I didn't waste too many bucks in getting my hands on this piece of garbage. Blech!
I knew that this wasn't likely to be the most candid/eye opening autobiography ever BUT, this was so artificial, prejudiced and unnatural that after a while; you actually end up feeling a tad miffed that the bloke takes you (the reader) for a sucker and expects you to gobble up this drivel.
Sure glad that I didn't waste too many bucks in getting my hands on this piece of garbage. Blech!
June 24, 2018
This book is a manuscript for the people of Pakistan who wants to understand what happened between 1998 onwards in the country.
From Kargil War to the fall of Nawaz Sharif's Government and to the War on Terror. There is a lot which always needed to be answered by him and he did rightly in this book.
A brilliant book to read for any Pakistani who wants real picture of the nation's crisis and rebuilding phases in the last decade.
P.S: I see a lot of butt-hurt Indian fans commenting here. Thank you for reading the book and coming up with the usual response.
From Kargil War to the fall of Nawaz Sharif's Government and to the War on Terror. There is a lot which always needed to be answered by him and he did rightly in this book.
A brilliant book to read for any Pakistani who wants real picture of the nation's crisis and rebuilding phases in the last decade.
P.S: I see a lot of butt-hurt Indian fans commenting here. Thank you for reading the book and coming up with the usual response.
Want to read
August 27, 2007Pakistan Zindabad!
March 27, 2022
This is the memoir of Pakistan’s Army and nation leader in early 2000s. Born in an upper middle-class family in India just before the 1947 partition, his family migrated to Karachi, Pakistan. After a brief stay there, they shifted to Turkey for close to a decade before moving back to Pakistan. I believe spending his formative years in turkey had a lot to do with his moderate-liberal views of how Pakistan should move forward as a country.
After moving back to Karachi at age thirteen, he spends a few years in Karachi before enlisting in Army. Musharraf describes himself as in ill-disciplined boy with brashness streak during his early career. That attitude hindered him at times but also propelled his career at a rapid rate because of showing gallantry while fighting in 1965 and 1971 wars with India.
Regarding 1971 war and separation with Bangladesh, he puts the blame for the division of Pakistan's two wings squarely on the shoulders of Pakistan's then Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, for wanting tyrannical power. He says that with Bhutto not acknowledging that Bangladesh's Awami League had won the majority vote, he alienated Bangalis, who were already disillusioned with the West Pakistan for not providing adequate support following the deadly cyclone that lead to 500,000 people dead. With the Pakistan army occupied with trying to calm disillusioned public calling for complete separation, India attacked Pakistan on its borders and following a two-week war, Bangladesh was born.
As years progress, Musharraf rises to the top post of Chief of Army Staff in 1998. After a year in the position, what follows on October 12, 1999, would genuinely make for a blockbuster film. The coup (or as Musharraf says its counter coup because of PM Nawaz Sharif illegally removing the Chief, trying to amass all power, and trying to hijack a commercial flight) makes for a riveting read. I highly recommend anyone to read through this section of the book and I still find it hard to believe what and how everything took place.
After taking power, Musharraf for second part of the book describes in detail the domestic policies he was trying to implement at the time. I will have to do research to confirm some of his claims, but I do believe he did a lot of good for the country. One living in Pakistan at the time could attest to that. 9/11 threw a spanner in his efforts and on this topic, his views on Mujahideen, Soviets, Taliban, Al Qaida, the West also makes for an interesting read. He manages to simply the differences between how the different players affect the Pakistani landscape and he makes clear his complete intolerance of any religious extremism.
For anyone curious about the life of Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's Chief of Army Staff, and national leader from 1999-2007, this is a good starter as it provides a view of Pakistan through his lens.
After moving back to Karachi at age thirteen, he spends a few years in Karachi before enlisting in Army. Musharraf describes himself as in ill-disciplined boy with brashness streak during his early career. That attitude hindered him at times but also propelled his career at a rapid rate because of showing gallantry while fighting in 1965 and 1971 wars with India.
Regarding 1971 war and separation with Bangladesh, he puts the blame for the division of Pakistan's two wings squarely on the shoulders of Pakistan's then Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, for wanting tyrannical power. He says that with Bhutto not acknowledging that Bangladesh's Awami League had won the majority vote, he alienated Bangalis, who were already disillusioned with the West Pakistan for not providing adequate support following the deadly cyclone that lead to 500,000 people dead. With the Pakistan army occupied with trying to calm disillusioned public calling for complete separation, India attacked Pakistan on its borders and following a two-week war, Bangladesh was born.
As years progress, Musharraf rises to the top post of Chief of Army Staff in 1998. After a year in the position, what follows on October 12, 1999, would genuinely make for a blockbuster film. The coup (or as Musharraf says its counter coup because of PM Nawaz Sharif illegally removing the Chief, trying to amass all power, and trying to hijack a commercial flight) makes for a riveting read. I highly recommend anyone to read through this section of the book and I still find it hard to believe what and how everything took place.
After taking power, Musharraf for second part of the book describes in detail the domestic policies he was trying to implement at the time. I will have to do research to confirm some of his claims, but I do believe he did a lot of good for the country. One living in Pakistan at the time could attest to that. 9/11 threw a spanner in his efforts and on this topic, his views on Mujahideen, Soviets, Taliban, Al Qaida, the West also makes for an interesting read. He manages to simply the differences between how the different players affect the Pakistani landscape and he makes clear his complete intolerance of any religious extremism.
For anyone curious about the life of Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's Chief of Army Staff, and national leader from 1999-2007, this is a good starter as it provides a view of Pakistan through his lens.
July 24, 2015
If trash ever passed as autobiographical literature this is what it would be.
An adolescent school boy's, poorly written, deluded fantasies about playing an action-hero in real life.
Narcissism unbound; the only conclusion to take from this book is that Musharraf suffers from an acute messiah-complex; not really a shocker since he did stab a nascent democracy.
The long title of this narrative should be "or, Lies a Megalomaniac will use as Propaganda."
An adolescent school boy's, poorly written, deluded fantasies about playing an action-hero in real life.
Narcissism unbound; the only conclusion to take from this book is that Musharraf suffers from an acute messiah-complex; not really a shocker since he did stab a nascent democracy.
The long title of this narrative should be "or, Lies a Megalomaniac will use as Propaganda."
April 24, 2018
Perception altering, career defining, optimism bearing, secrets revealing;
A book so grand in its content and its latter impact on the readers.
Read it now before it’s too late.
A book so grand in its content and its latter impact on the readers.
Read it now before it’s too late.
February 12, 2021
I can only say this is the book which is written by a True Pakistani. Loved reading it.
April 17, 2016
Of all the rivalries in the world, that between siblings is the most brutal and often sanguinary. Nothing exemplifies this rule better than the case of India and Pakistan, born on consecutive days in August 1947. The birth of the nations was accompanied by communal riots of the worst kind and millions of people were forcibly exchanged between the two nations. After independence, the social and political life of the sister countries diverged considerably. While India consistently followed a democratic path, Pakistan was ravaged by intermittent bouts of military dictatorship. Military is the most prominent institution in Pakistan and its generals routinely meddle with the political establishment in the role of arbitrators or mediators between political parties who are inept and extremely corrupt. It is strange, but true, that Indians are more familiar with the names of Pakistani generals like Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Zia ul-Haq and Pervez Musharraf, than their own, of which most of the Indians can’t name even three. How this paradigm shift took hold after partition? Musharraf’s memoir is excellent in condensing the history of Pakistan in a nutshell and in describing how he came into power. However, it lacks in analytical skill and is not helpful in answering the above question. The author never rises above the level of a soldier in the entire narrative. Musharraf is an India-hater, expressing his vehement opposition in each of the instances he mentions India. This is quite understandable too, as he himself had migrated to Pakistan during the post-partition trauma. Even with this background, it is commendable that the author has never made any comparison between his country and India anywhere in this book. This work is eminently readable as it explains how power is changed hands so haphazardly and arbitrarily in a country that stockpiles nuclear weapons with none of the bothers of non-proliferation. The greatest service this book offers to the cause of Pakistan is its rhetoric that the majority of people in that country are enlightened moderates and shun terrorism with equal fervor as the rest of the world.
The book is full of self-promotion, hype, masking of vital facts, lies and half-truths. An excellent case in point is Musharraf’s coverage of the Kargil conflict. He begins by asserting fraudulently that Pakistani troops and Kashmiri freedom fighters (his euphemism for terrorists sneaking in from across the border) occupied the forward positions in Kargil in response to an alleged Indian attempt to occupy unguarded positions in winter. What the author fails to mention is that Pakistan army’s maneuver was designed to thwart the civilian Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s overture to India for ensuring peace and a cooperative chapter in the relation between the two countries. What the Pakistan military dreads most is a peaceful relationship with India, as the entire military establishment of Pakistan is built up on fear of India among the masses. People ignore the fact that their army was at the receiving end of one of the world’s worst military defeats when very senior officials with about 91,000 troops unconditionally and meekly surrendered to the Indian Army in East Pakistan in 1971. The rest of the Pakistan army fumed over the incident – as the author also did – but watched impotently as their country was cut neatly into two like a cake and one part granted freedom by India. Musharraf ridicules India on the number of casualties it suffered in the Kargil conflict, which were 600 by India’s own admission. He says that the actual figure was nearly double that (p.98), but nowhere in the book discloses the actual casualties on the Pakistani side, even though he claims boastfully that the assertion that Pakistan had suffered many deaths is a myth.
Anyone reading the book is painfully reminded about the active role played by the military in establishing fundamentalist religious law in Pakistan. General Zia ul-Haq encouraged radical mullahs to take over the country, to preempt action from genuine political parties. His successors trained and funded the Mujahideen fighters in Afghanistan against the Soviet Union, of course, with overt American support. He introduced lashing as a form of punishment as prescribed by Sharia, in which senior military officials witnessed the punishment having tea and snacks from an enclosure reserved for them. Musharraf writes of one incident in which he ordered tea and cakes to be taken away, in disgust. The army took over government at will. This was helped in no small measure by the politicians who were corrupt to the hilt. Democracy is a stillborn in Pakistan, in which the army allows a few years of democratic rule whenever they become tired of administration all by themselves. Even in the top brass of the army, bargaining and campaigning for tops posts prevails, as Musharraf himself, in all probability, inveigled himself on Nawaz Sharif, who was the then prime minister, to ask for the resignation of the army chief Jahangir Karamat any bypassing the seniority of the Chief of General Staff, to confer on himself the coveted post of army chief. As noted by the author himself, Karamat even refused to talk to him immediately after stepping down. Musharraf feigns ignorance at the reason for summons from the Prime Minister’s Office at night, which was to elevate him to the top army post! This was laughable due to its insincerity which was too plain and obvious. However, Pakistan’s army chiefs have a habit of biting the hands that feed them. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto made Zia ul-Haq the military chief bypassing many senior officers. A short time later, Haq usurped power and hanged Bhutto after a sham trial. Similarly Nawaz Sharif made Pervez Musharraf the army chief over the heads of many. Hardly a year later, Musharraf repaid the debt – by dethroning Nawaz Sharif and driving him to exile in Saudi Arabia. Such are the antecedents of a nation that possesses nuclear capability!
Musharraf explains in detail the economic reform measures he had instituted to save the country from the brink of bankruptcy. The results are impressive, if the data is accurate and trustworthy. As CEO of the country, he had to face a referendum that confirmed him as the president of the nation. This was widely rigged and it is amusing to hear the author say ‘overenthusiastic administration officials and bureaucrats allowed people to vote more than once, and filled ballot papers themselves” (p.98). He even alleges that opposition parties stuffed ballot boxes in his favour, so as to provide evidence of malpractice!
The discussion on growth of terrorism and counter-terrorism initiatives is very informative. This presents a very serious point to ponder for India, as the author affirms that Muslims of south India are very active participants in Afghan terrorism (p.212). The author must have been very fond of crime stories, as seen in the quite large number of episodes described, where the terrorists were nabbed by intelligence agencies. This also proves that Pakistan’s security forces are also compromised to terrorist ideology as seen in the easy infiltration by extremist elements. While accepting the inevitable fact that terrorism needs to be stamped out, Musharraf declares that Muslims are drawn to militant ideology because of “revulsion at the sheer pathos of the Muslim condition, the political injustices, societal deprivation and alienation”. He also feels that for terrorism to vanish, injustices against Muslims are to be removed! This is a simplistic argument bordering on naiveté and retelling the terrorist creed in softer words. It assumes that Muslims of all countries are politically homogeneous and Muslims in Indonesia or Somalia are equally outraged against the supposed injustices in Palestine or Kashmir. All religions are more or less victims to these inequities in various scales, but why terrorists originate only among Muslims?
As can be seen in the above discussion, this review has been somewhat harsh on Musharraf, his book and Pakistan itself. But one thing must be conceded on his behalf. Apart from while addressing contentious issues, there is a raw frankness and energy in his style. Not at all hesitant to take up physical challenges, he has assimilated a dynamic approach to problem solving, which is refreshing. His insight on why Pakistan was created is illuminating, which “was built as a refuge and homeland for the Muslims of India to escape Hindu economic and political domination and social discrimination” (p.136). However, the author is not at all candid while discussing his army’s disastrous involvement in the Bangladesh crisis. Gruesome tales of rape, murder and pillage unleashed by Pakistani soldiers are not at all mentioned.
The book is written mainly with American readers in mind as can be guessed by the inordinate stress on the presence of democratic institutions and social accommodation in Pakistan. Imperial units like mile and feet are continuously used alongside metric units, as can be seen in books originating in the U.S. The author takes great pains to ‘prove’ to the English-speaking world that each one of his cabinet colleagues could speak fluent English. At the same time, he doesn’t show political foresight required of a politician. He asserts that Nawaz Sharif committed political suicide by trying to oust him by diverting the commercial jetliner he was travelling in, to India and hoping to crash the aircraft with an empty fuel tank. Sharif was ousted by the army and forced into exile in 1999. Writing in 2006, this was how the scenario looked like. But we now know that Sharif indeed made a comeback and a few years later, it was Musharraf’s turn to go into exile. The book is written in a simple, yet elegant language and a good index adds much value to it.
The book is highly recommended.
The book is full of self-promotion, hype, masking of vital facts, lies and half-truths. An excellent case in point is Musharraf’s coverage of the Kargil conflict. He begins by asserting fraudulently that Pakistani troops and Kashmiri freedom fighters (his euphemism for terrorists sneaking in from across the border) occupied the forward positions in Kargil in response to an alleged Indian attempt to occupy unguarded positions in winter. What the author fails to mention is that Pakistan army’s maneuver was designed to thwart the civilian Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s overture to India for ensuring peace and a cooperative chapter in the relation between the two countries. What the Pakistan military dreads most is a peaceful relationship with India, as the entire military establishment of Pakistan is built up on fear of India among the masses. People ignore the fact that their army was at the receiving end of one of the world’s worst military defeats when very senior officials with about 91,000 troops unconditionally and meekly surrendered to the Indian Army in East Pakistan in 1971. The rest of the Pakistan army fumed over the incident – as the author also did – but watched impotently as their country was cut neatly into two like a cake and one part granted freedom by India. Musharraf ridicules India on the number of casualties it suffered in the Kargil conflict, which were 600 by India’s own admission. He says that the actual figure was nearly double that (p.98), but nowhere in the book discloses the actual casualties on the Pakistani side, even though he claims boastfully that the assertion that Pakistan had suffered many deaths is a myth.
Anyone reading the book is painfully reminded about the active role played by the military in establishing fundamentalist religious law in Pakistan. General Zia ul-Haq encouraged radical mullahs to take over the country, to preempt action from genuine political parties. His successors trained and funded the Mujahideen fighters in Afghanistan against the Soviet Union, of course, with overt American support. He introduced lashing as a form of punishment as prescribed by Sharia, in which senior military officials witnessed the punishment having tea and snacks from an enclosure reserved for them. Musharraf writes of one incident in which he ordered tea and cakes to be taken away, in disgust. The army took over government at will. This was helped in no small measure by the politicians who were corrupt to the hilt. Democracy is a stillborn in Pakistan, in which the army allows a few years of democratic rule whenever they become tired of administration all by themselves. Even in the top brass of the army, bargaining and campaigning for tops posts prevails, as Musharraf himself, in all probability, inveigled himself on Nawaz Sharif, who was the then prime minister, to ask for the resignation of the army chief Jahangir Karamat any bypassing the seniority of the Chief of General Staff, to confer on himself the coveted post of army chief. As noted by the author himself, Karamat even refused to talk to him immediately after stepping down. Musharraf feigns ignorance at the reason for summons from the Prime Minister’s Office at night, which was to elevate him to the top army post! This was laughable due to its insincerity which was too plain and obvious. However, Pakistan’s army chiefs have a habit of biting the hands that feed them. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto made Zia ul-Haq the military chief bypassing many senior officers. A short time later, Haq usurped power and hanged Bhutto after a sham trial. Similarly Nawaz Sharif made Pervez Musharraf the army chief over the heads of many. Hardly a year later, Musharraf repaid the debt – by dethroning Nawaz Sharif and driving him to exile in Saudi Arabia. Such are the antecedents of a nation that possesses nuclear capability!
Musharraf explains in detail the economic reform measures he had instituted to save the country from the brink of bankruptcy. The results are impressive, if the data is accurate and trustworthy. As CEO of the country, he had to face a referendum that confirmed him as the president of the nation. This was widely rigged and it is amusing to hear the author say ‘overenthusiastic administration officials and bureaucrats allowed people to vote more than once, and filled ballot papers themselves” (p.98). He even alleges that opposition parties stuffed ballot boxes in his favour, so as to provide evidence of malpractice!
The discussion on growth of terrorism and counter-terrorism initiatives is very informative. This presents a very serious point to ponder for India, as the author affirms that Muslims of south India are very active participants in Afghan terrorism (p.212). The author must have been very fond of crime stories, as seen in the quite large number of episodes described, where the terrorists were nabbed by intelligence agencies. This also proves that Pakistan’s security forces are also compromised to terrorist ideology as seen in the easy infiltration by extremist elements. While accepting the inevitable fact that terrorism needs to be stamped out, Musharraf declares that Muslims are drawn to militant ideology because of “revulsion at the sheer pathos of the Muslim condition, the political injustices, societal deprivation and alienation”. He also feels that for terrorism to vanish, injustices against Muslims are to be removed! This is a simplistic argument bordering on naiveté and retelling the terrorist creed in softer words. It assumes that Muslims of all countries are politically homogeneous and Muslims in Indonesia or Somalia are equally outraged against the supposed injustices in Palestine or Kashmir. All religions are more or less victims to these inequities in various scales, but why terrorists originate only among Muslims?
As can be seen in the above discussion, this review has been somewhat harsh on Musharraf, his book and Pakistan itself. But one thing must be conceded on his behalf. Apart from while addressing contentious issues, there is a raw frankness and energy in his style. Not at all hesitant to take up physical challenges, he has assimilated a dynamic approach to problem solving, which is refreshing. His insight on why Pakistan was created is illuminating, which “was built as a refuge and homeland for the Muslims of India to escape Hindu economic and political domination and social discrimination” (p.136). However, the author is not at all candid while discussing his army’s disastrous involvement in the Bangladesh crisis. Gruesome tales of rape, murder and pillage unleashed by Pakistani soldiers are not at all mentioned.
The book is written mainly with American readers in mind as can be guessed by the inordinate stress on the presence of democratic institutions and social accommodation in Pakistan. Imperial units like mile and feet are continuously used alongside metric units, as can be seen in books originating in the U.S. The author takes great pains to ‘prove’ to the English-speaking world that each one of his cabinet colleagues could speak fluent English. At the same time, he doesn’t show political foresight required of a politician. He asserts that Nawaz Sharif committed political suicide by trying to oust him by diverting the commercial jetliner he was travelling in, to India and hoping to crash the aircraft with an empty fuel tank. Sharif was ousted by the army and forced into exile in 1999. Writing in 2006, this was how the scenario looked like. But we now know that Sharif indeed made a comeback and a few years later, it was Musharraf’s turn to go into exile. The book is written in a simple, yet elegant language and a good index adds much value to it.
The book is highly recommended.
June 14, 2020
I read this book in 2008. I had submitted my PhD dissertation. And I had nothing much to do then. One reason I wanted to read it, apart from the lack of a better idea, was that I wanted to understand the thought process of an aspirant of statesmanship. And yes, it was full of aspirations and ambitions.
I read somewhere that President Musharraf had it written by someone else on his behalf. I guess whoever said that wanted to assert that the president himself lacked the intellectual ability to write a biography himself. But whatever was the case, I still found it admirable that a president of Pakistan thought about having a biography written about himself. In a country where political ambitions are conceived and ideas spread at the cost of disparaging education, it was quite surprising that a president would worry about having a book written about himself in English.
The book was full of all sorts of stories, wrapped in self-praise. Or at least, that was the intention most of the times. However, as most readers may have judged the content of the book to be narcissist and self-centered, I still think that the President had good advice to share with his readers. His tendency to take up difficult assignments from a young age is quite rare. And most of the times he did his job well. At least that is what one can say given the dire circumstances he has been in.
I read somewhere that President Musharraf had it written by someone else on his behalf. I guess whoever said that wanted to assert that the president himself lacked the intellectual ability to write a biography himself. But whatever was the case, I still found it admirable that a president of Pakistan thought about having a biography written about himself. In a country where political ambitions are conceived and ideas spread at the cost of disparaging education, it was quite surprising that a president would worry about having a book written about himself in English.
The book was full of all sorts of stories, wrapped in self-praise. Or at least, that was the intention most of the times. However, as most readers may have judged the content of the book to be narcissist and self-centered, I still think that the President had good advice to share with his readers. His tendency to take up difficult assignments from a young age is quite rare. And most of the times he did his job well. At least that is what one can say given the dire circumstances he has been in.
September 11, 2023
Musharraf's leadership is admirable in terms of his love for Pakistan and his conviction to change the socio-economics of his country for the better. The book has important lessons for one's own practical life and how to handle stressful situations. It is very much evident that he was driven by sheer confidence without doubting his abilities at least till the writing of his book. His tone brims with doubtlessness having a very little room for dissent it seems. However, like other dictators that I have had the chance to read i.e. the Shah of Iran and Anwar Sadat of Egypt, he fits the pattern and follows the same path in discrediting his political opponents and justifies - albeit convincingly at times - the toppling of the elected government. Also, one wonders while reading the book how our economy would have survived had there been no 9/11 and no foreign support (as he mentions the incident more than once as a 'blessing in disguise'). It would have been interesting had he written this book towards the end of his tenure and seen the unraveling of political realities while still at the helm.
October 10, 2020
Born in the time when Musharraf took over the country and then listening about all the Events during my childhood which occurred and reading them now . Has given a perspective how things happened back then . And getting full knowledge about the events that occurred that I often used to hear on the news while I was playing in my adolescences years .
In my opinion Pakistan didn’t got any leader who could speak with so much dignity in eyes of the enemy , as he would . In his regime Pakistan has seen both the tough and good times .
Even though the book is a little self centred towards him ,but that’s his way of writing .
In my opinion Pakistan didn’t got any leader who could speak with so much dignity in eyes of the enemy , as he would . In his regime Pakistan has seen both the tough and good times .
Even though the book is a little self centred towards him ,but that’s his way of writing .
April 18, 2018
Its clear from the book that Musharraf loved himself. If he does something it is justified for example not informing his senior when the prime minister called him to make him army chief but recommending the court marshal of Lt Gen Tariq Parvez for pretty much the same reason ostensibly because Musharraf saw him as a threat. Musharraf admitted about his liking and disliking, conspiracies, shrude mind which is driven particularly by his lust of power.
Musharraf was audacious to fulfill his lusts and satisfaction of his ego. He can go to any extent to defend himself even if he is standing naked, exposed. Example his justification of Kargil war and his optimism that his story will be bought by the world.After reading this book its clear that Musharraf was someone very clever, opportunistic and having lust for power.
The book gives some first hand account specially of the flight when he was returning after dismissal, Kargil war which was his own miserably failed plot that brought shame to his country and resulted in world getting more sympathetic to India etc.
If you are interested in History then its a must read whether you like or dislike, trust or mistrust, agree or disagree with Musharraf. The reason is simple that this book is an account of several events for which he was responsible. This is an explanation & justification of his actions from his point of view. Its his defense in the court of history. You will undoubtedly know more about Musharraf on what kind of person he was.
Musharraf was audacious to fulfill his lusts and satisfaction of his ego. He can go to any extent to defend himself even if he is standing naked, exposed. Example his justification of Kargil war and his optimism that his story will be bought by the world.After reading this book its clear that Musharraf was someone very clever, opportunistic and having lust for power.
The book gives some first hand account specially of the flight when he was returning after dismissal, Kargil war which was his own miserably failed plot that brought shame to his country and resulted in world getting more sympathetic to India etc.
If you are interested in History then its a must read whether you like or dislike, trust or mistrust, agree or disagree with Musharraf. The reason is simple that this book is an account of several events for which he was responsible. This is an explanation & justification of his actions from his point of view. Its his defense in the court of history. You will undoubtedly know more about Musharraf on what kind of person he was.
February 20, 2020
Was looking forward to this book for alot of reasons. But it failed to give me good insights of Pakistan's stance on 9/11. It was more of him justifying himself and his actions. Coming from the last military head of the state it is lacking alot of information. Wouldn't recommend.
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