Stalin was never inevitable. The brains, confidence, intellectual intensity, political talents, faith in and experience with violence, touchiness, vindictiveness, charm, sensitivity, ruthlessness, lack of empathy, the sheer weird singularity of the man, were in place – but lacking a forum. In 1917, he found the forum. (p. 352-353)
I have enjoyed Simon Sebag Montefiore’s books, and this one was no exception. It clearly explains, but never tries to justify, how Stalin became the monster that history knows, a man so poisoned with suspicion, resentment, and faith in violence that he murdered old friends and colleagues without compunction, along with many, many ordinary people. “Responsible for the deaths of around 20 to 25 million people, Stalin imagined he was a political, military, scientific and literary genius, a people’s monarch, a red Tsar.” (p. 376) He was paranoid, duplicitous, and merciless, but he was not mad; everything he did was for a purpose, and he always believed he was operating within Marxist-Leninist theory as he understood it.
This book does a good job looking how Stalin the child became Stalin the man, much of it based on newly uncovered research, including previously unpublished official records and private memoirs. As Stalin built his cult of personality those who had known him in his youth were encouraged to write their reminiscences, although the ones that edged closest to the truth could not be published and were hidden for decades. For instance, he had been a successful bank robber, whose profits were an important source of funds for Lenin’s movement, but accounts of bank robberies were deemed unseemly by the keepers of his memory and were filed away, though not destroyed – though many of their authors met that fate.
He was the only surviving child of a doting and over-protective mother who nevertheless often beat him, and a violent drunkard of a father who was opposed to his son’s being educated, even kidnapping him at one point to prevent him from going to school. Nevertheless, he and his mother had some protectors (several of whom are possibilities for being Stalin’s actual father), and through hard work and sacrifice his mother was able to scrape up enough money to send him to school. He excelled in his classes, and was always one of the top students so long as he was interested in the subjects. He developed a lifelong, almost obsessive, habit of reading, and while still a junior revolutionary put out a list of 300 books that members of the movement should read and discuss.
He was also a bully and a tyrant, who even as a young child insisted on always being the leader of his group, and demanded absolute obedience. His intelligence and forceful personality attracted many to his side, but any questioning of his orders or motives would result in immediate expulsion. He would eventually add to his groups people from all classes, including the nobility, but he also had a an affinity for thugs and killers. “Throughout his life, Stalin’s detached magnetism would attract, and win the devotion of, amoral, unbounded psychopaths.” (p. 7)
History is full of suggestions of things that might have been. In his youth Stalin was an accomplished poet in his native Georgian language, whose works were published and widely admired. He also had a singing voice beautiful enough to bring people to tears, and he spent years in a seminary acquiring a top classical education, so he could have been a renowned poet, a much loved professional singer, or risen to a high position in the Church (his mother’s dream was always for him to become a bishop).
By his teenage years in the last decade of the 19th century, Russia was starting the long process of collapse, as increasingly autocratic yet ineffective rule met with entrenched corruption, rising nationalism, and emerging revolutionary groups. The author never explains why Stalin was attracted to what would later be known as Bolshevism instead of one of the numerous other revolutionary factions, but it was likely because of its refusal to compromise and willingness to employ violence and criminality to attain its ends, which fit nicely with Stalin’s personality.
As his revolutionary ardor and involvement grew, his interest in his seminary studies declined, and he became a constant troublemaker, tormenting the priest-instructors, many of whom were themselves cruel and violent, but outmatched by Stalin’s cunning and ruthlessness. In the end, however, he was not expelled from the seminary, as many other histories report. “He was not thrown out for being a revolutionary, and he maintained polite relations with the seminary afterwards….Indeed, the Church bent over backwards to accommodate him letting him off repaying his scholarship (480 rubles) for five years; they even offered him a chance to resit the finals and a teaching job.” (p. 73)
He was now set on the path to being a full time revolutionary, a man who lived in the shadows, moving frequently, inspiring others to violence but not getting his own hands dirty. He slipped through the hands of the authorities so many times, often under dubious circumstances that there has been a persistent rumor that he was in fact an informer for the Okhrana, the Tsar’s secret police, and protected by them. The author examines this allegation and concludes that it is probably not true, and that a more likely reason is the incompetence and venality of the authorities.
On the other hand, while Stalin himself often escaped capture, the Okhrana succeeded in planting agents among the revolutionary groups at all levels, eventually including Roman Malinovsky, who was a member of the Bolshevik Central Committee in the last years of the Tsar, and betrayed almost all of the leaders, including Stalin. The memories of so many double agents within their ranks inspired paranoia in the communist leadership, and partly explains the regular purges within their ranks that culminated in the atrocities of the late 1930s, “The Okhrana may have failed to prevent the Russian Revolution, but they were so successful in poisoning revolutionary minds that, thirty years after the fall of the Tsars, the Bolsheviks were still killing each other in a witch hunt for nonexistent traitors.” (p. 221)
Stalin was eventually arrested and deported to Siberia several times. Deportations under the Tsars were nothing like what they would become under Stalin himself. Revolutionaries were allowed to meet, to plan, to receive books and money. The main punishment inflicted was simple boredom, and like Stalin many of them repeatedly escaped.
He was released from his last Siberian exile in 1917, as the Tsar’s government was crumbling and the various factions were vying for power. It was at this time that the Germans made one of the most colossal blunders of the century, sending Lenin in a sealed train back to Russia, where he immediately started plotting the overthrow of the fragile interim government installed by Alexander Kerensky. The Bolsheviks’ triumph was not inevitable, and there were still factions loyal to both the Tsar and to those wanting representative governments, and both Lenin and Stalin were marked men if they had fallen into their hands. In another of history’s great what-if moments, the two of them were whisked out of their headquarters only minutes before it was raided. Had they been captured they surely would have been killed, and the Bolsheviks probably would have joined a coalition with other parties, as others among their leaders wanted, and the course of history would have been very different.
The book ends with Lenin’s successful takeover of the government and his first attempts to suppress all other factions. The second volume of this biography, Stalin: The Court of the Red Tsar was published first, and the author’s understanding of what was to come later helps to inform and make sense of Stalin’s early life. Over and over again, people who were instrumental to Stalin’s rise were later to be murdered. “The fate of Stalin’s Bolshevik comrades was tragic, never mind the fate of the Soviet people. Kamenev and Zinoviev were shot in 1936, Bukharin in 1938, Trotsky was murdered with an icepick in 1940 – all on Stalin’s orders. During 1937-38, around one and a half million people were shot. Stalin personally signed deathlists for almost 39,000 people, many of them old acquaintances.” (p. 373)
This is an excellent biography: detailed, insightful, well researched, and written in a style that keeps the reader engaged. It helps that Stalin’s early life was dramatic and so filled with remarkable incidents that he almost seems like a fictional character, but there is a great deal of good information here, helping to explain the development of one of the twentieth century’s most important, most malign, figures. This book is highly recommended for anyone with an interest in the man, the movement, or the history of the twentieth century.