A readable, well-written history of the four months between the 1860 election and Lincoln’s inauguration. Holzer’s Lincoln comes off as a decisive, strong-willed statesman with a clear idea of his goals, uncertainty about his methods, and a shrewd grasp of how to achieve his objectives. Holzer argues that Lincoln exerted more power and influence before his formal swearing-in than any other president-elect, and that Lincoln was unprepared to sacrifice his party’s position on slavery in order to save the Union that had existed before. Holzer’s Lincoln comes off as “great” before the war even started.
Holzer’s prose moves along at a crisp pace, and his rendition of the daily grind of Lincoln’s life at this time is very enjoyable. His retelling of the facts is clear and his arguments are well-supported. Holzer clearly describes all of the issues faced by Lincoln and how he managed to retain a grip on reality throughout, as well a retain a good deal of energy. Some historians have portrayed Lincoln during this era as self-doubting, indecisive, and on the verge of being overwhelmed; Holzer clearly disagrees, although he does describe all of the incidents where Lincoln’s rhetoric seemed clumsy and contradictory. Also, this was the same period where Lincoln made the poor choice of Simon Cameron as secretary of War.
As a lame-duck president, it did not seem like there was all that much Lincoln could do during this period. Holzer does not address this in much detail; to the extent that he does, he seems to strongly disagree. He thoroughly covers all of Lincoln’s activities during this period; however, there is relatively little coverage of other players, many of whom arguably may have had more of an impact than Lincoln. The book’s narrow focus is one drawback, and Holzer doesn’t always put Lincoln’s rhetoric and actions into any wider context.
There is little analysis of Lincoln’s speeches, which seems inappropriate given that the whole country was paying attention at the time. Holzer calls the compromise movement “unprincipled,” and calls Buchanan’s willingness to give concessions to the South “astonishing,” even though Buchanan blamed the crisis on antislavery radicals. He calls Millard Fillmore’s support for the Fugitive Slave Act, “inexplicable,” although even Lincoln and Chase would have supported it. Holzer also writes that the Republican proposal to admit New Mexico “embraced nearly all the key Southern demands.” It did? What about Dred Scott, the slave code issue, and the territories issue? Also, most of Holzer’s discussion of Lincoln’s anti-compromise attitude is about Lincoln’s views on slavery. There is little on Lincoln’s constitutional views.
Also, Holzer mostly only covers these events from Lincoln’s perspective; if word of them got back to Lincoln, Holzer usually covers it. If it didn’t, Holzer mostly doesn’t. The course of the seceding states and the Buchanan administration is worthy of coverage, but Holzer’s discussion of these seems inadequate. Also, Holzer’s themes sometimes seem repetitive. The constant discussion of this or that office seeker seems mostly irrelevant. Mary Boykin Chesnut is at one point called a “Virginia” diarist, and Holzer writes that the South Carolina secession convention took place in Charleston (it was first Columbia, then Charleston).
There are also a few typos, like “ant-slavery,” and no doubt some readers will roll their eyes at Holzer’s indulgence in trivia: Lincoln’s decision to grow a beard takes up seven pages for some reason; Holzer even claims that this was a ploy to distract the public debate about secession (huh?). His preparations to leave Springfield for Washington take up no less than twenty pages.
Still, a vivid, well-written, very well told story that fully captures the daily grind, chaos, expectations, and strain of this period.