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لبنان بين الأمس والغد
Ce livre rassemble différents articles de Nawaf Salam sur le système politique libanais, réécrits et augmentés de nouvelles réflexions à la lumière, notamment, de la crise des deux dernières années – crise qui menace l’existence même du pays.
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Published October 1, 2021
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Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews
November 18, 2023
كتاب لابأس به، يدخل بسرعة في صلب الموضوع ، وان كان العنوان يوحي بكتاب اكبر حجما ومضمونا، جاء (لبنان بين الأمس والغد) مختصرا في اقل من مئتي صفحة، ومتكوننا من ثلاثة فصول.
في الفصل الاول (اصول المسألة اللبنانية) يخوض في تاريخ قصير للبلد، ونشوئه في العصر الحديث. وفي الثاني (الحرب والسلم) وهو الفصل الاهم يسرد باختصار مسببات الحرب الاهلية اللبنانية واحداثها، مبينا عبثية هذه الحرب وهزلية اختلاف الاطراف اثناء مدى الخمس عشرة سنة وكيف يكون طرفين حلفاء يوما واعداءا في اليوم الثاني واخيرا عدم الوصول الى اي نتائج او فوز طرف على آخر.
اما الفصل الاخير (نحو الجمهورية الثالثة) فهو فصل التنظير لكيفية تاسيس دولة تتجاوز مشاكل الامس ومحاولة وضع الاصابع على الجراح من قبل مفكر سياسي له باع في السياسة الداخلية والخارجية للبنان، الذي هو مؤلف الكتاب.
اهم فائدة حققتها من الكتاب كانت معرفة تشريح بسيط للحرب الاهلية اللبنانية واطرافها.
اما السلبيات فربما بالاضافة إلى قصر الكتاب، كانت ان المقالات مترجمة من اصول كانت منشورة بلغات اخرى صار فيها ركاكة وعدم وضوح في بعض الاحيان.
في الفصل الاول (اصول المسألة اللبنانية) يخوض في تاريخ قصير للبلد، ونشوئه في العصر الحديث. وفي الثاني (الحرب والسلم) وهو الفصل الاهم يسرد باختصار مسببات الحرب الاهلية اللبنانية واحداثها، مبينا عبثية هذه الحرب وهزلية اختلاف الاطراف اثناء مدى الخمس عشرة سنة وكيف يكون طرفين حلفاء يوما واعداءا في اليوم الثاني واخيرا عدم الوصول الى اي نتائج او فوز طرف على آخر.
اما الفصل الاخير (نحو الجمهورية الثالثة) فهو فصل التنظير لكيفية تاسيس دولة تتجاوز مشاكل الامس ومحاولة وضع الاصابع على الجراح من قبل مفكر سياسي له باع في السياسة الداخلية والخارجية للبنان، الذي هو مؤلف الكتاب.
اهم فائدة حققتها من الكتاب كانت معرفة تشريح بسيط للحرب الاهلية اللبنانية واطرافها.
اما السلبيات فربما بالاضافة إلى قصر الكتاب، كانت ان المقالات مترجمة من اصول كانت منشورة بلغات اخرى صار فيها ركاكة وعدم وضوح في بعض الاحيان.
April 5, 2026
Between Past and Future brings together Nawaf Salam’s essays into a sustained argument for a civic, non-sectarian Lebanese state. At its core lies a clear diagnosis: Lebanon’s crisis is not rooted in diversity itself, but in a constitutional and political order that entrenches sectarianism at the expense of citizenship.
Salam calls for merit-based public administration, lowering the voting age to 18, increased women’s representation in parliament, electoral reform, and a strict policy of non-alignment to protect Lebanon from regional power struggles. He frames sectarian belonging as inherited rather than chosen, arguing that sectarianism is an effect of weak statehood rather than its original cause.
One of the book’s more provocative claims concerns Lebanese identity and individualism. Salam suggests that Lebanese political behavior reflects a long-standing individualistic mindset - traced back to a Phoenician heritage marked by mobility, commerce, and a strong attachment to personal freedom. Yet this individualism has historically unfolded within sectarian schools, parties, and legal systems. The result is a structural contradiction: individuals are encouraged to act freely, but only through confessional frameworks that ultimately limit their full political recognition as citizens.
Salam is particularly strong in his historical analysis of economic injustice, especially toward the South. He shows how Beirut’s elite neglected rural regions in the 1960s and 70s, while Israeli raids and state absence accelerated displacement, radicalization, and the emergence of new political movements. These failures, he argues, were central to Lebanon’s descent into war.
Here, however, the book invites a difficult present-day critique. While Salam powerfully condemns the historic abandonment of southern communities seeking security and dignity, his current tenure as Prime Minister has so far failed to address those same concerns. Today, many southerners are not demanding ideology but credible security guarantees—the ability to trust state institutions and the army to protect them amid ongoing Israeli threats. The gap between Salam’s historical critique and his present governance weakens the coherence of his reformist vision.
His assessment of the Taif Agreement remains persuasive: it ended open violence but entrenched sectarianism, distorted representation, and deepened Lebanon’s vulnerability to foreign intervention. His proposals for proportional representation and de-confessionalization are among the book’s strongest contributions.
My main reservation lies in Salam’s assumption of a cohesive Lebanese national identity. He underestimates how religious affiliation in Lebanon is not bounded by the state but often supersedes it, forming identities and loyalties that extend beyond Lebanon’s borders. This omission limits his otherwise rigorous analysis.
Between Past and Future is intellectually rich and principled. Yet today it reads less as a neutral diagnosis and more as a benchmark—against which Salam’s own political practice will inevitably be judged. In that sense, the book is no longer only about Lebanon’s past or future, but about the unresolved tension between theory and power in its present.
Salam calls for merit-based public administration, lowering the voting age to 18, increased women’s representation in parliament, electoral reform, and a strict policy of non-alignment to protect Lebanon from regional power struggles. He frames sectarian belonging as inherited rather than chosen, arguing that sectarianism is an effect of weak statehood rather than its original cause.
One of the book’s more provocative claims concerns Lebanese identity and individualism. Salam suggests that Lebanese political behavior reflects a long-standing individualistic mindset - traced back to a Phoenician heritage marked by mobility, commerce, and a strong attachment to personal freedom. Yet this individualism has historically unfolded within sectarian schools, parties, and legal systems. The result is a structural contradiction: individuals are encouraged to act freely, but only through confessional frameworks that ultimately limit their full political recognition as citizens.
Salam is particularly strong in his historical analysis of economic injustice, especially toward the South. He shows how Beirut’s elite neglected rural regions in the 1960s and 70s, while Israeli raids and state absence accelerated displacement, radicalization, and the emergence of new political movements. These failures, he argues, were central to Lebanon’s descent into war.
Here, however, the book invites a difficult present-day critique. While Salam powerfully condemns the historic abandonment of southern communities seeking security and dignity, his current tenure as Prime Minister has so far failed to address those same concerns. Today, many southerners are not demanding ideology but credible security guarantees—the ability to trust state institutions and the army to protect them amid ongoing Israeli threats. The gap between Salam’s historical critique and his present governance weakens the coherence of his reformist vision.
His assessment of the Taif Agreement remains persuasive: it ended open violence but entrenched sectarianism, distorted representation, and deepened Lebanon’s vulnerability to foreign intervention. His proposals for proportional representation and de-confessionalization are among the book’s strongest contributions.
My main reservation lies in Salam’s assumption of a cohesive Lebanese national identity. He underestimates how religious affiliation in Lebanon is not bounded by the state but often supersedes it, forming identities and loyalties that extend beyond Lebanon’s borders. This omission limits his otherwise rigorous analysis.
Between Past and Future is intellectually rich and principled. Yet today it reads less as a neutral diagnosis and more as a benchmark—against which Salam’s own political practice will inevitably be judged. In that sense, the book is no longer only about Lebanon’s past or future, but about the unresolved tension between theory and power in its present.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
January 18, 2025
يشكل هذا الكتاب مرجعا مختصرا لتوصيف الواقع اللبناني بكل تعقيداته من خلال تسليط الضوء على الأسباب والجذور التاريخية التي أفضت إلى هذا الواقع المستعصي على الحل. من الواضح ان نواف سلام يستوعب اللعبة السياسية بكل أبعادها المحلية والإقليمية والدولية ويضع إصبعه على مكامن الخلل دستوريا وسياسيا واجتماعيا ويقدم رؤية وإصلاحات لمسار التغيير..
November 18, 2025
يتناول الأستاذ سلام المسألة اللبنانية بشكل مباشر ومختصر. يشرح أسبابها و سياقها التاريخي وفي الختام يقدم طروحات لحل المسألة.
Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews