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الإخوان المسلمون
One of the first serious studies of what it is now customary to call the 'resurgence of Islam' and it still remains one of the best...It helps us to understand why they have survived so many changes of fortune and are still a powerful force in Egypt and other Muslim countries.
First published January 1, 1969
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December 30, 2011لم أقرأ الكتاب.ولكن الجميع ممن أرخ للإخوان يشيد بهذا الكتاب
July 1, 2012
Great book. Easily breaks down sociological beginnings of the MB.
April 7, 2015
This book is the first detailed analyze of the Muslim Brothers Organization. It inspired me to do my PhD about them and other Islamist organizations several years ago.
April 24, 2017
The amount of primary resources the author utilized in composing his book is astounding!
December 23, 2015
Richard P. Mitchell’s The Society of Muslim Brothers is a thoroughly-researched and well-written account of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood in the period between its founding and the rise of Gamal Abdul Nasser. The author delves into his subject immediately from the first page, with a biography of Hassan al-Banna and a narrative of the influences that led him to found the organization, and thus eschews an introduction that would elaborate upon an overarching argument or theme. As such, this work is intended more to provide a comprehensive understanding of the Brotherhood than to advance a particular position. Nonetheless, it is clear throughout the narrative that Mitchell is seeking to dispel misconceptions of and dispersions cast against the group and present, if not a sympathetic portrayal, then at least a contextualized one that situates the reader’s understanding of the organization with in a precise historical perspective.
Following his account of Hassan al-Banna’s early years, the author continues his narrative of the Brotherhood’s history through four additional chapters. By 1939 the idea of becoming involved in nationalist politics split the movement, but it continued to grow and become more organized through World War II. Following the conflict, the Wafd and the palace had lost credibility due to their collaboration with the British, and the Muslim Brotherhood was one of the organizations that stepped up to meet the popular demand for leadership. Their involvement with the Palestinian issue catalyzed members into increased activity and garnered public support, but also drew increasing ire from the government, which lacked popular support and was concerned with rising violence. These tensions, as well as internal ones related to the question of leadership, reached a climax following the assassination of Hassan al-Banna, and the Brotherhood’s new leader, Hasan al-Hudaybi, was unable to protect the organization from internal and external threats. His inability to handle relations with the Free Officers, compounded by the personal antipathy between himself and Abdul Nasser, meant that the organization quickly devolved from being an ally of the Revolutionary Command Council to a fragmented (and officially dissolved) body outside of the RCC’s graces.
The first half of the book, therefore, is dedicated to the details of the high political struggles of the Brotherhood and its key figures, although the very nature of the Muslim Brotherhood as an organization with mass popular sport means that Mitchell is able to privilege a societal account of the inter-revolutionary period. The remainder of his work consists of three parts: a look into the group’s organization, an examination of its ideology, and a lengthy conclusion. The first provides a detailed description of the Brotherhood’s administration, as well as its communication structure that the author highlights as the key source of its power. The second is more involved and begins by delineating the nature of the three major elements of the Muslim Brothers’ world: Islam, Egypt, and the West. Islam was seen as having been in a state of perpetual decline since the reign of the four rightly-guided caliphs, and thus the authority of al-Azhar was to be challenged since it had failed to promulgate and protect Islam. The biggest sin, however, was the state of disunity among Muslims, and thus the Brotherhood did not self-conceptualize as a school or a sect. Egypt, meanwhile, was considered a prime candidate for a resurgence of Islam, but it had to first demonstrate its right to hold that position by ridding itself of internal and external imperialism that harmed Islamic interests and corrupted society and morality. While many of these issues stemmed from liberal and socialist ideologies, the west was to be praised for individual freedoms, democracy, and its social ethos, while the communist world possessed a useful concern for economic and social equality. These elements had to be extracted from the negative influences that came with them and then integrated into an Islamic system.
The author then dedicates two chapters to the Brotherhood’s “solution” to this “problem”, which overall required a return to a “pure” Islam in the sense of returning to its principles. To this end, emphasis on the legal framework of the sharia, rather than a political ideology, was key, and thus an adaptable framework that would be open to interpretation and could encourage unity was developed. The economic system also had to possess these traits and engage a blend of pragmatism and ideology. In terms of a practical approach, the Brotherhood set its sights on the transformation of the constitution as a realistic goal, in order to facilitate reform of parliamentary representation and political parties. From an economic standpoint, it wanted to encourage industry and commerce so that the fruits of these activities could help the nation break away from the corrupt landowning system and advance towards a more equitable distribution of resources and wealth. It thus forged strong connections with members of the working class in its quest to protect them from exploitation. Education and public health, meanwhile, were part of a broader program of welfare and social services that focused on improving one’s external well-being as well as their internal one through the infusion of Islamic morality.
Mitchell’s conclusion stresses a number of themes, including the idea that Hassan al-Banna was the organization’s defining factor and guiding figure, which led to a strong sense of authority and discipline within the group. This meant that his death was the key turning point, as Hassan al-Hubaydi could not live up to the aura built up around his predecessor. He further argues that, despite accusations to the contrary, there is no evidence of a strong revolutionary component to the Brotherhood during the period studied and that its increasingly proclivities towards violence have to be contextualized within the context of the era’s political frustrations, as well as socialist, economic, and nationalist pressures. The Muslim Brothers, he notes, were far from the only group utilizing violence during this period, yet they have received most of the blame for it due to Abdul Nasser’s persecution of the group. Religiously, they self-conceptualized as an Islamic modernist organization, while their membership was considerable and encompassed a wide range of social classes. Overall, The Society of Muslim Brothers is more descriptive than argumentative at times, which means that signposting is limited and recapitulation is almost non-existent until the conclusion, which can be frustrating for those attempting to grasp the bigger picture. Nonetheless, it is a critical and accessible text for specialists and casual readers alike that will aid them in gaining a comprehensive understanding of the topic within a contextualized framework and from the perspective of the subjects themselves.
Following his account of Hassan al-Banna’s early years, the author continues his narrative of the Brotherhood’s history through four additional chapters. By 1939 the idea of becoming involved in nationalist politics split the movement, but it continued to grow and become more organized through World War II. Following the conflict, the Wafd and the palace had lost credibility due to their collaboration with the British, and the Muslim Brotherhood was one of the organizations that stepped up to meet the popular demand for leadership. Their involvement with the Palestinian issue catalyzed members into increased activity and garnered public support, but also drew increasing ire from the government, which lacked popular support and was concerned with rising violence. These tensions, as well as internal ones related to the question of leadership, reached a climax following the assassination of Hassan al-Banna, and the Brotherhood’s new leader, Hasan al-Hudaybi, was unable to protect the organization from internal and external threats. His inability to handle relations with the Free Officers, compounded by the personal antipathy between himself and Abdul Nasser, meant that the organization quickly devolved from being an ally of the Revolutionary Command Council to a fragmented (and officially dissolved) body outside of the RCC’s graces.
The first half of the book, therefore, is dedicated to the details of the high political struggles of the Brotherhood and its key figures, although the very nature of the Muslim Brotherhood as an organization with mass popular sport means that Mitchell is able to privilege a societal account of the inter-revolutionary period. The remainder of his work consists of three parts: a look into the group’s organization, an examination of its ideology, and a lengthy conclusion. The first provides a detailed description of the Brotherhood’s administration, as well as its communication structure that the author highlights as the key source of its power. The second is more involved and begins by delineating the nature of the three major elements of the Muslim Brothers’ world: Islam, Egypt, and the West. Islam was seen as having been in a state of perpetual decline since the reign of the four rightly-guided caliphs, and thus the authority of al-Azhar was to be challenged since it had failed to promulgate and protect Islam. The biggest sin, however, was the state of disunity among Muslims, and thus the Brotherhood did not self-conceptualize as a school or a sect. Egypt, meanwhile, was considered a prime candidate for a resurgence of Islam, but it had to first demonstrate its right to hold that position by ridding itself of internal and external imperialism that harmed Islamic interests and corrupted society and morality. While many of these issues stemmed from liberal and socialist ideologies, the west was to be praised for individual freedoms, democracy, and its social ethos, while the communist world possessed a useful concern for economic and social equality. These elements had to be extracted from the negative influences that came with them and then integrated into an Islamic system.
The author then dedicates two chapters to the Brotherhood’s “solution” to this “problem”, which overall required a return to a “pure” Islam in the sense of returning to its principles. To this end, emphasis on the legal framework of the sharia, rather than a political ideology, was key, and thus an adaptable framework that would be open to interpretation and could encourage unity was developed. The economic system also had to possess these traits and engage a blend of pragmatism and ideology. In terms of a practical approach, the Brotherhood set its sights on the transformation of the constitution as a realistic goal, in order to facilitate reform of parliamentary representation and political parties. From an economic standpoint, it wanted to encourage industry and commerce so that the fruits of these activities could help the nation break away from the corrupt landowning system and advance towards a more equitable distribution of resources and wealth. It thus forged strong connections with members of the working class in its quest to protect them from exploitation. Education and public health, meanwhile, were part of a broader program of welfare and social services that focused on improving one’s external well-being as well as their internal one through the infusion of Islamic morality.
Mitchell’s conclusion stresses a number of themes, including the idea that Hassan al-Banna was the organization’s defining factor and guiding figure, which led to a strong sense of authority and discipline within the group. This meant that his death was the key turning point, as Hassan al-Hubaydi could not live up to the aura built up around his predecessor. He further argues that, despite accusations to the contrary, there is no evidence of a strong revolutionary component to the Brotherhood during the period studied and that its increasingly proclivities towards violence have to be contextualized within the context of the era’s political frustrations, as well as socialist, economic, and nationalist pressures. The Muslim Brothers, he notes, were far from the only group utilizing violence during this period, yet they have received most of the blame for it due to Abdul Nasser’s persecution of the group. Religiously, they self-conceptualized as an Islamic modernist organization, while their membership was considerable and encompassed a wide range of social classes. Overall, The Society of Muslim Brothers is more descriptive than argumentative at times, which means that signposting is limited and recapitulation is almost non-existent until the conclusion, which can be frustrating for those attempting to grasp the bigger picture. Nonetheless, it is a critical and accessible text for specialists and casual readers alike that will aid them in gaining a comprehensive understanding of the topic within a contextualized framework and from the perspective of the subjects themselves.
November 20, 2022
Հիմնաքարային աշխատություն Մուսուլման եղբայրներով և ընդհանրապես իսլամիզմով հետաքրքրվողների ու զբաղվողների համար։
January 14, 2013
الكتاب عباره دراسه قام بها المؤلف للحصول علي درجه الدكتوراه مما اعطي الكتاب الطابع الاكاديمي .. يبدأ الكتاب بمقدمه لصلاح عيسي يتكلم فيها عن بعض النقاط المهمه في تاريخ الاخوان وخصوصا تحالفاتهم التاريخيه مع باقي الاحزاب السياسيه الاخري وهي مقدمه ثريه جدا بالمعلومات في حوالي 50 صفحه
ثم يبدأ الكتاب الفعلي ويتطرق الي مرحلتين مهمتين في تاريخ الاخوان المرحله الاولي وهي مرحله الحل التي حدثت في عهد الملك فاروق و في عهد المؤسس الاول للجماعه حسن البنا ثم ينتقل بنا الكاتب الي المرحله الحل الثانيه في عهد المرشد الثاني للجماعه حسن الهضيبي وهي مرحله الصدام الدموي مع مجلس قياده الثوره وخصوصا عبد الناصر
ومن الاجزاء التي اثارت استعجابي الجزء الذي تحدث فيه الكاتب عن كميه الخلافات والانشقاقات التي حدثت في الجماعه حتي في عهد المؤسس الاول حسن البنا وازدادت بشكل كبير في عهد الهضيبي
كتاب هام جدا للباحث وللمهتم بتاريخ جماعه الاخوان المسلمين التي أصبحت -للأسف- علي راس حكم مصر
ثم يبدأ الكتاب الفعلي ويتطرق الي مرحلتين مهمتين في تاريخ الاخوان المرحله الاولي وهي مرحله الحل التي حدثت في عهد الملك فاروق و في عهد المؤسس الاول للجماعه حسن البنا ثم ينتقل بنا الكاتب الي المرحله الحل الثانيه في عهد المرشد الثاني للجماعه حسن الهضيبي وهي مرحله الصدام الدموي مع مجلس قياده الثوره وخصوصا عبد الناصر
ومن الاجزاء التي اثارت استعجابي الجزء الذي تحدث فيه الكاتب عن كميه الخلافات والانشقاقات التي حدثت في الجماعه حتي في عهد المؤسس الاول حسن البنا وازدادت بشكل كبير في عهد الهضيبي
كتاب هام جدا للباحث وللمهتم بتاريخ جماعه الاخوان المسلمين التي أصبحت -للأسف- علي راس حكم مصر
February 13, 2013
قرأت الكتاب منذ فترة طويلة انطباعي الاول انه أعجبني لان كاتبه اجنبي وفيه بعض المصداقية الا ان الكاتب يتحدث عن بعض الاحداث داخل الحركة اسمع بها لاول مرة في هذا الكتاب رغم أني انتمي الى الجماعة منذ زمن طويل واطلعت على تاريخها وتفاصيل مهمة عن الحركة لكن ما اورده الكاتب عن انشقاقات متكررة لا ارى له وجود .
سأعطي الكتاب ثلاث نجوم فقط بسبب ما ورد فيه من مغالطات.
سأعطي الكتاب ثلاث نجوم فقط بسبب ما ورد فيه من مغالطات.
July 2, 2012
Kajian akademik mengenai pergerakan Haraki tertua di dunia, Ikhwanul Muslimin. Bagaimana mereka berhadapan pelbagai cabaran untuk sampai ke hari ini. Perlu dibaca oleh aktivis gerakan Islam!
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August 7, 2011Very Insightful.
Displaying 1 - 10 of 10 reviews