What do you think?
Rate this book
In Search of Lost Glory: Sindhi Nationalism in Pakistan
Sindhi nationalism is one of the oldest yet least studied cases of identity politics in Pakistan. Ethnic discontent appeared in Sindh in opposition to the rule of the Bombay presidency; to the onslaught of Punjabi settlers in the wake of canal irrigation; and, most decisively, to the arrival of millions of Muhajirs (Urdu-speaking migrants) after Partition. Under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto and Asif Zardari, the Pakistan People's Party has upheld the Sindhi nationalist cause, even while playing the game of federalist politics. On the other side for half a century have been hardcore Sindhi nationalist groups, led by Marxists, provincial autonomists, landlord pirs and liberal intelligentsia in pursuit of ethnic outbidding.
This book narrates the story of the Bhutto dynasty, the Muhajir factor, nationalist ideologues, factional feuds amongst landed elites, and the role of violence as a maker and shaper of Sindhi nationalism. Moreover, it examines the role of the PPP as an ethnic entrepreneur through an analysis of its politics within the electoral arena and beyond. Bringing together extensive fieldwork and comparative studies of ethno-nationalism, both within and outside Pakistan, Asma Faiz uncovers the fascinating world of Sindhi nationalism.
This book narrates the story of the Bhutto dynasty, the Muhajir factor, nationalist ideologues, factional feuds amongst landed elites, and the role of violence as a maker and shaper of Sindhi nationalism. Moreover, it examines the role of the PPP as an ethnic entrepreneur through an analysis of its politics within the electoral arena and beyond. Bringing together extensive fieldwork and comparative studies of ethno-nationalism, both within and outside Pakistan, Asma Faiz uncovers the fascinating world of Sindhi nationalism.
382 pages, Kindle Edition
Published May 1, 2022
2 people are currently reading
44 people want to read
Ratings & Reviews
Friends & Following
Create a free account to discover what your friends think of this book!
Community Reviews
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews
May 13, 2021
“In search of Lost Glory- Sindhi Nationalism in Pakistan” by Asma Faiz is an essential reading, primarily because there is so little academic work done on this subject. This book, therefore, fills an important gap. The book is peppered with academic terminologies and theories and follows research methodologies including field trips, focus group discussion and even ethnographic observations which is a constant reminder that this is a work of an academic which is both the strong and perhaps a weak point of the book. Weak, only because the book does not have the strength of a narrative-flow but this does not take away from the importance of the endeavor.
Sindhi Nationalism is distinguished from other sub-nationalisms in Pakistan on the basis of Sindh’s longest history of autonomous territorial and political existence prior to annexation by the British. The book starts from the period of British India and traces the formation of Sindhi identity. The writer mentions that the adoption of standard script for sindhi language and declaring it as official language had far reaching effects, including the rise in sindhi literature, sindhi intelligentsia and resultantly, a sindhi consciousness. The writer interestingly points out that under the British rule, Muslim-Hindu relations in Sindh were neither as acrimonious as in the rest of the country nor completely friendly as it is believed by Sindhi nationalists today. The truth lies somewhere in the middle. Communal scene was better than in other parts but the general sense of acrimony was not totally avoided by Sindh. And there were faultlines such as adoption of Arabic-based script for sindhi language, relative prosperity of hindu merchant class as opposed to muslims in Sindh, rural indebtedness etc. The movement for separation from Bombay presidency also deepened this divide. Although it started as a joint endeavor of Muslims and Hindus, in fact, the first ever proponent of Sindh’s separation from Bombay Presidency was a Hindu named Vishnidas, the united front did not last long. The hindus started opposing call for separation. This opposition became fiercer after 1927 hindu muslim riots in Larkana. In addition to fear of marginalization in the predominantly muslim majority province, economic argument was also given by hindu leaders about the financial non-feasibility and that Sindh wouldn’t be able to survive as separate entity away from Bombay.
Nevertheless, this movement for separation of Sindh was informed by formation of consciousness of Sindhi Nationalism and it further deepened the feeling. The rationale for separation of Sindh from Bombay presidency was given by invoking historical autonomy and political unity. Later, the narrative evolved into one of emphasizing the sufferings of Sindh under authoritarian Commissionerate system.
Chapter 2 of the discusses post-partition journey of sindhi nationalism in the first two decades after partition. Massive demographic change as shown in the figures below brought with itself the resultant sense of loss and insecurity and nationalism.
Overall population of karachi 4.5 lacs(1947) 11,37,000(1951)
Sindhi speaking 61.2 % 8.6 %
Urdu Speaking 0 55 %
Hindus 51 % 2 %
Riots between refugees and hindus/sikhs in Jan 1948 karachi and loot and plunder of hindu homes by refugees and occupation of evacuee properties convinced sindhi leaders to stop hindus from leaving and they also tried to put a stop to refugee settlement.
Furthermore, national project of Pakistan of homogenization, separation of karachi from Sindh despite provincial assembly resolution in feb 1948 against it, Urdu-isation, the shifting of Sindh university hyderabad and not receiving govt funding till 1963 and eventually ONE UNIT aggravated nationalist sentiment in Sindh. All the while, Sindh politics remained marred by factionalism.
In the absence of formal politics, culture became a medium of resistance and Sindhi Adabi Board and Bazm – e – Sufiya played important role.
Important partner in NAP, Sindh Hari Committee also played key role in resistance and emphasized on economic redistribution and land reforms. Supported by G.M Syed but opposed by other major nationalist leaders who had their feudal interests which was reflected in their opposition to Sindh Land Tenancy Bill
Chapter three of the book discusses the PPP factor. According to the writer, Bhutto’s policies of language bill, nationalization, quota system while moderated Sindhi sense of disenchantment by creating contact between sindhis and centre of power and by granting access to state patronage, these policies ended up alienating Muhajirs and triggered Muhajir nationalism which manifested itself in formation of APMSO in 1978. The book also discusses the aftermath of Bhutto’s execution and the nature of MRD movement and what it represented. The writer also mentions Zia’s policy of divide and rule in Sindh by appeasing Bhutto’s adversaries such as Pir Pagara, G.M Syed and facilitating MQM.
Chapter four begins by explaining the separatist turn taken by sindhi nationalist politics in early 1970s which according to the writer should be seen in the context of PPP’s rise in Sindh and it was the case of ethnic outbidding and nothing more. The writer goes on to discuss the many different political parties and political actors dominating the nationalist scene in Sindh. The write locates most of the nationalist parties, their leadership and cadre in the middle-class which emerged in rural Sindh due to Bhutto’s policies of road network building, opening of educational institutes and state employment. The writer also enumerates reasons why nationalist politicians could not be successful in election which include, among others, their organizational weaknesses, low support base, election scene which is dominated by electables and patronage politics as well as factionalism and rivalry among nationalists. Writer ends the chapter with interesting ethnographic study of what the writer calls ‘Banal Nationalism’.
The last chapter of the book takes the story from 1988 to the current times and describes the story which is well-known because it is relatively recent. The ethnic violence of 1988 and 1990 in Hyderabad and the two decades of 1990s and 2000s are summarized well. The major themes of politics in the last three decades and the role of different political parties has also been discussed. On the question of PPP’s continuous dominance of elections in Rural Sindh, the writer highlights PPP’s championing of ethnic agenda, its potential of patronage politics and lack of viable alternative as the major reasons. Splintering of MQM after 2016 into a number of factions is cited as a major watershed but whether this is an end of muhajir nationalistic politics or not, the writer steers clear of any final call. In this chapter, the writer highlights the same eternal themes of provincial autonomy which continue to dominate the discourse around nationalistic politics today and discusses centre-province rift over 18th amendment and its implementation.
Overall, the book is a treasure-trove of information on a subject which is understudied and could be a starting point for a lot of further research.
Sindhi Nationalism is distinguished from other sub-nationalisms in Pakistan on the basis of Sindh’s longest history of autonomous territorial and political existence prior to annexation by the British. The book starts from the period of British India and traces the formation of Sindhi identity. The writer mentions that the adoption of standard script for sindhi language and declaring it as official language had far reaching effects, including the rise in sindhi literature, sindhi intelligentsia and resultantly, a sindhi consciousness. The writer interestingly points out that under the British rule, Muslim-Hindu relations in Sindh were neither as acrimonious as in the rest of the country nor completely friendly as it is believed by Sindhi nationalists today. The truth lies somewhere in the middle. Communal scene was better than in other parts but the general sense of acrimony was not totally avoided by Sindh. And there were faultlines such as adoption of Arabic-based script for sindhi language, relative prosperity of hindu merchant class as opposed to muslims in Sindh, rural indebtedness etc. The movement for separation from Bombay presidency also deepened this divide. Although it started as a joint endeavor of Muslims and Hindus, in fact, the first ever proponent of Sindh’s separation from Bombay Presidency was a Hindu named Vishnidas, the united front did not last long. The hindus started opposing call for separation. This opposition became fiercer after 1927 hindu muslim riots in Larkana. In addition to fear of marginalization in the predominantly muslim majority province, economic argument was also given by hindu leaders about the financial non-feasibility and that Sindh wouldn’t be able to survive as separate entity away from Bombay.
Nevertheless, this movement for separation of Sindh was informed by formation of consciousness of Sindhi Nationalism and it further deepened the feeling. The rationale for separation of Sindh from Bombay presidency was given by invoking historical autonomy and political unity. Later, the narrative evolved into one of emphasizing the sufferings of Sindh under authoritarian Commissionerate system.
Chapter 2 of the discusses post-partition journey of sindhi nationalism in the first two decades after partition. Massive demographic change as shown in the figures below brought with itself the resultant sense of loss and insecurity and nationalism.
Overall population of karachi 4.5 lacs(1947) 11,37,000(1951)
Sindhi speaking 61.2 % 8.6 %
Urdu Speaking 0 55 %
Hindus 51 % 2 %
Riots between refugees and hindus/sikhs in Jan 1948 karachi and loot and plunder of hindu homes by refugees and occupation of evacuee properties convinced sindhi leaders to stop hindus from leaving and they also tried to put a stop to refugee settlement.
Furthermore, national project of Pakistan of homogenization, separation of karachi from Sindh despite provincial assembly resolution in feb 1948 against it, Urdu-isation, the shifting of Sindh university hyderabad and not receiving govt funding till 1963 and eventually ONE UNIT aggravated nationalist sentiment in Sindh. All the while, Sindh politics remained marred by factionalism.
In the absence of formal politics, culture became a medium of resistance and Sindhi Adabi Board and Bazm – e – Sufiya played important role.
Important partner in NAP, Sindh Hari Committee also played key role in resistance and emphasized on economic redistribution and land reforms. Supported by G.M Syed but opposed by other major nationalist leaders who had their feudal interests which was reflected in their opposition to Sindh Land Tenancy Bill
Chapter three of the book discusses the PPP factor. According to the writer, Bhutto’s policies of language bill, nationalization, quota system while moderated Sindhi sense of disenchantment by creating contact between sindhis and centre of power and by granting access to state patronage, these policies ended up alienating Muhajirs and triggered Muhajir nationalism which manifested itself in formation of APMSO in 1978. The book also discusses the aftermath of Bhutto’s execution and the nature of MRD movement and what it represented. The writer also mentions Zia’s policy of divide and rule in Sindh by appeasing Bhutto’s adversaries such as Pir Pagara, G.M Syed and facilitating MQM.
Chapter four begins by explaining the separatist turn taken by sindhi nationalist politics in early 1970s which according to the writer should be seen in the context of PPP’s rise in Sindh and it was the case of ethnic outbidding and nothing more. The writer goes on to discuss the many different political parties and political actors dominating the nationalist scene in Sindh. The write locates most of the nationalist parties, their leadership and cadre in the middle-class which emerged in rural Sindh due to Bhutto’s policies of road network building, opening of educational institutes and state employment. The writer also enumerates reasons why nationalist politicians could not be successful in election which include, among others, their organizational weaknesses, low support base, election scene which is dominated by electables and patronage politics as well as factionalism and rivalry among nationalists. Writer ends the chapter with interesting ethnographic study of what the writer calls ‘Banal Nationalism’.
The last chapter of the book takes the story from 1988 to the current times and describes the story which is well-known because it is relatively recent. The ethnic violence of 1988 and 1990 in Hyderabad and the two decades of 1990s and 2000s are summarized well. The major themes of politics in the last three decades and the role of different political parties has also been discussed. On the question of PPP’s continuous dominance of elections in Rural Sindh, the writer highlights PPP’s championing of ethnic agenda, its potential of patronage politics and lack of viable alternative as the major reasons. Splintering of MQM after 2016 into a number of factions is cited as a major watershed but whether this is an end of muhajir nationalistic politics or not, the writer steers clear of any final call. In this chapter, the writer highlights the same eternal themes of provincial autonomy which continue to dominate the discourse around nationalistic politics today and discusses centre-province rift over 18th amendment and its implementation.
Overall, the book is a treasure-trove of information on a subject which is understudied and could be a starting point for a lot of further research.
March 20, 2025
If you are, like many other Pakistanis, wondering how PPP manages to maintain a strong hold over Sindh despite a Nawaz and khan wave in 2013 and 2018 and it’s wipe out in other provinces of Pakistan, then this book might offer some answers.
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews