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Left Illusions: An Intellectual Odyssey
David Horowitz underwent the most dramatic political conversion since Whittaker Chambers. And at every stop of his intellectual journey, he has produced sparkling and provocative commentary. From his youthful days as a leader of the New Left in the 1960s to his current role as master strategist of the right, Horowitz s polemical legacy is unmatched in wit and integrity. Horowitz s newest book, Left An Intellectual Odyssey, provides the first map of his intellectual development. Complementing his acclaimed autobiography, Radical Son, the selections in Left Illusions range from his first book, published over forty years ago, to his most recent writings on the war against terror. The pieces include his polemics, journalism, and scholarship, along with select chapters from most of his books. Their subjects range from the origins of the New Left to the Cold War, from the fall of communism to political radicalism, race relations, the war on terror, the intellectual culture wars, and modern conservatism. Twenty-eight of the selections have not been published in book form or are contained in texts that are generally unavailable. "I make no apologies for my present position," Horowitz writes. "My values have not changed, but my sense of what supports them and makes them possible has." He became profoundly disillusioned with the radical movement because of a tragedy both personal and political. The whole fascinating story is here for the reader to follow as it unfolded. Left Illusions is really the story of our times, lived out by an extraordinary individual.
497 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2003
10 people are currently reading
110 people want to read
About the author
David Horowitz
187 books338 followersDavid Joel Horowitz was an American conservative writer and activist. He was a founder and president of the David Horowitz Freedom Center (DHFC); editor of the Center's website FrontPage Magazine; and director of Discover the Networks, a website that tracks individuals and groups on the political left. Horowitz also founded the organization Students for Academic Freedom.
Horowitz wrote several books with author Peter Collier, including four on prominent 20th-century American families. He and Collier have collaborated on books about cultural criticism. Horowitz worked as a columnist for Salon.
From 1956 to 1975, Horowitz was an outspoken adherent of the New Left. He later rejected progressive ideas and became a defender of neoconservatism. Horowitz recounted his ideological journey in a series of retrospective books, culminating with his 1996 memoir Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey.
Horowitz wrote several books with author Peter Collier, including four on prominent 20th-century American families. He and Collier have collaborated on books about cultural criticism. Horowitz worked as a columnist for Salon.
From 1956 to 1975, Horowitz was an outspoken adherent of the New Left. He later rejected progressive ideas and became a defender of neoconservatism. Horowitz recounted his ideological journey in a series of retrospective books, culminating with his 1996 memoir Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey.
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Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews
August 6, 2010
I'm reading this book because I asked a conservative friend of mine who the thoughtful intellectuals were on the right wing. I was sure there were some, but they haven't exactly been the face of the party lately. I want to avoid falling into the trap of only exposing myself to ideas that reinforce views I already have.
I'm not quite done, but a couple comments. First, if you're hoping to see an intellectual oddessy, you're going to be disappointed. There's a few essays from his liberal (Marxist) days, then a traumatic experience changes his views, and there's almost no other writings until the early 90's (nearly 20 years post conversion). At that point, he's pretty well as far to the right as he's going to go. His points are well supported, and he can be convincing (even to someone not predisposed to agree with him), but there no record of the progression, which is what I was hoping for.
The second comment is that he quite explicitly makes no distinction between progressives and full-blown Marxists. The kind explicitly agitating for a violent overthrow of the west This means he's often attacking straw men, as the modern progressive movement isn't looking to overthrow capitalism in favor of a worker's paradise. If that was ever true (I missed the 60's when he was a Marxist, so my doubts about it being true then, either, might not be founded), it isn't now. So, yes, Mr. Horowitz. Conservative policies are a much better alternative than a violent and totalitarian Marxist state. Congratulations. But that's just like me arguing that leftist policies are better than a return to the feudal system, where a permanent underclass lives only to enrich the aristocracy. Obviously true, but hardly settles anything, as I am treating a ridiculous extreme as representative of the goals of the other side.
I may have to edit this when I finish the last 25% of the text, but it's been pretty consistent so far.
I'm not quite done, but a couple comments. First, if you're hoping to see an intellectual oddessy, you're going to be disappointed. There's a few essays from his liberal (Marxist) days, then a traumatic experience changes his views, and there's almost no other writings until the early 90's (nearly 20 years post conversion). At that point, he's pretty well as far to the right as he's going to go. His points are well supported, and he can be convincing (even to someone not predisposed to agree with him), but there no record of the progression, which is what I was hoping for.
The second comment is that he quite explicitly makes no distinction between progressives and full-blown Marxists. The kind explicitly agitating for a violent overthrow of the west This means he's often attacking straw men, as the modern progressive movement isn't looking to overthrow capitalism in favor of a worker's paradise. If that was ever true (I missed the 60's when he was a Marxist, so my doubts about it being true then, either, might not be founded), it isn't now. So, yes, Mr. Horowitz. Conservative policies are a much better alternative than a violent and totalitarian Marxist state. Congratulations. But that's just like me arguing that leftist policies are better than a return to the feudal system, where a permanent underclass lives only to enrich the aristocracy. Obviously true, but hardly settles anything, as I am treating a ridiculous extreme as representative of the goals of the other side.
I may have to edit this when I finish the last 25% of the text, but it's been pretty consistent so far.
Read
December 20, 2020Left Illusions is a collection of a number of articles and opinion pieces Horowitz has written (up to the time of publishing in 2003). As such, it predates the columns on his website, but obviously, there's nothing really new to see here. Indeed, he seems to have excerpted a portion from his earlier work, Radical Son, so if you've read that other tome, feel free to skip ahead when appropriate.
Near the end of the book, Horowitz provides a fairly succinct and pointed history of the Palestinian vs. Israeli conflict which still plagues world affairs. Many of the other pieces in here, however, seem to be either attack or self-defense editorials, written in response to some Leftist's article painting him as deluded or traitorous to the cause. I found them tedious and dry, by the time I read through all of the background wranglings.
However, scattered throughout the book, I did find a few gems of Horowitz' thoughts:
"Liberals begin by taking a stand that feels morally right; but the true appeal of liberalism lies in its making believers feel good about themselves. Because liberalism begins and ends in a moral posture, it doesn't require the difficult assessment of facts on the ground to validate its conclusion."
"For the left, the agenda of politics is ultimately not about practical options concerning which reasonable people may reasonably differ. It is about moral choices that define one as human."
Just as reformed smokers are more vituperative about the nasty habit of smoking, a reformed leftist like Horowitz can get really wound up about his former allies' beliefs and behavior.
He identifies the Green movement with historical Marxism:
"Thus radical ecology leads to the familiar threat. The virtuous state must control and restrict social wealth and redistribute it according to the radical creed...As Porritt (of Britains Ecology Party) argues: 'We in the West have the standard of living we do only because we are so good at stripping the Earth of its resources and oppressing the rest of the world's people in order to maintain that wealth.' To achieve ecological balance means 'progressively narrowing the gap to reduce the differences between the Earth's wealthiest and poorest inhabitants until there are more or less equal shares for all people.'"
On the historic failure of Marxist states:
"But once in power, marxism - like fascism - exploited, oppressed, and ruined the very masses it claimed ot liberate. Having soared to power on dreams of transcendence, the radical enterprise succumbed to the gravitational pull of human nature, which even massive doses of terror and repression could not undo."
On the true, rather than the progressive, modernizing nature of socialism:
"Socialism belongs to a social stage based on the simple economy of small groups, a stage that had to be overcome in order to realize the great wealth-making potential of the market system. Far from being a progressive conception, the socialist ethic is atavistic and represents the primitive morality of preindustrial formations: the clan and the tribe. This is why its current incarnation takes the form of 'identity politics'..."
A bit about electoral politics from eleven years ago still rings true today:
"There is nothing wrong with instituting good policies and running things efficiently. But while Republicans are performing htese Gold Star tasks, Democrats are busy attacking Republicans as servants of the rich, oppressors of the weak, and defenders of the strong."
Another timely tidbit:
"What a tax cut really affects is the investment capital of the rich - their ability to create jobs and wealth for other Americans. (Or did you think it was government that created those?) As Republicans know - but seldom say - the Democrats' progressive tax code actually works against poor and working Americans. Unfortunately, to appreciate this fact requires an understanding of the economic system that most Americans (and apparently all Democrats) lack."
Reading this book probably isn't going to change any political mindsets, but it may provide some insight into how the other side thinks.
Near the end of the book, Horowitz provides a fairly succinct and pointed history of the Palestinian vs. Israeli conflict which still plagues world affairs. Many of the other pieces in here, however, seem to be either attack or self-defense editorials, written in response to some Leftist's article painting him as deluded or traitorous to the cause. I found them tedious and dry, by the time I read through all of the background wranglings.
However, scattered throughout the book, I did find a few gems of Horowitz' thoughts:
"Liberals begin by taking a stand that feels morally right; but the true appeal of liberalism lies in its making believers feel good about themselves. Because liberalism begins and ends in a moral posture, it doesn't require the difficult assessment of facts on the ground to validate its conclusion."
"For the left, the agenda of politics is ultimately not about practical options concerning which reasonable people may reasonably differ. It is about moral choices that define one as human."
Just as reformed smokers are more vituperative about the nasty habit of smoking, a reformed leftist like Horowitz can get really wound up about his former allies' beliefs and behavior.
He identifies the Green movement with historical Marxism:
"Thus radical ecology leads to the familiar threat. The virtuous state must control and restrict social wealth and redistribute it according to the radical creed...As Porritt (of Britains Ecology Party) argues: 'We in the West have the standard of living we do only because we are so good at stripping the Earth of its resources and oppressing the rest of the world's people in order to maintain that wealth.' To achieve ecological balance means 'progressively narrowing the gap to reduce the differences between the Earth's wealthiest and poorest inhabitants until there are more or less equal shares for all people.'"
On the historic failure of Marxist states:
"But once in power, marxism - like fascism - exploited, oppressed, and ruined the very masses it claimed ot liberate. Having soared to power on dreams of transcendence, the radical enterprise succumbed to the gravitational pull of human nature, which even massive doses of terror and repression could not undo."
On the true, rather than the progressive, modernizing nature of socialism:
"Socialism belongs to a social stage based on the simple economy of small groups, a stage that had to be overcome in order to realize the great wealth-making potential of the market system. Far from being a progressive conception, the socialist ethic is atavistic and represents the primitive morality of preindustrial formations: the clan and the tribe. This is why its current incarnation takes the form of 'identity politics'..."
A bit about electoral politics from eleven years ago still rings true today:
"There is nothing wrong with instituting good policies and running things efficiently. But while Republicans are performing htese Gold Star tasks, Democrats are busy attacking Republicans as servants of the rich, oppressors of the weak, and defenders of the strong."
Another timely tidbit:
"What a tax cut really affects is the investment capital of the rich - their ability to create jobs and wealth for other Americans. (Or did you think it was government that created those?) As Republicans know - but seldom say - the Democrats' progressive tax code actually works against poor and working Americans. Unfortunately, to appreciate this fact requires an understanding of the economic system that most Americans (and apparently all Democrats) lack."
Reading this book probably isn't going to change any political mindsets, but it may provide some insight into how the other side thinks.
May 26, 2022
Interesting Perspectives
Some of this was over my head but much of it I get. It takes guts to walk away from the left. It’s much like leaving a destructive cult. It makes people angry with you and you end up losing most if not all your friends and maybe even family in the process.
Some of this was over my head but much of it I get. It takes guts to walk away from the left. It’s much like leaving a destructive cult. It makes people angry with you and you end up losing most if not all your friends and maybe even family in the process.
June 22, 2019
Great book. It’s an interesting window into the liberal mindset. The only thing I take issue is that the Kindle version I read did not hyperlink the footnotes, so I was unable to read them as I went. It also oddly did not capitalize acronyms.
November 30, 2012
This is a collection of essays and writings, mostly previously published and re-edited for this book. The pieces show the development of David Horowitz's thought from his days when he was rethinking his previous New Left ideas to his closer involvement with conservativism. I found the pieces very persuasive, honest and often moving (for example, in discussing the personal tragedy that hastened his break with his New Left former comrades. The essays cover a lot of ground - American left-wing politics, the selective amnesia of Communist sympathisers, the growth of the AIDS crisis in the 1980s, the debate over reparations for descendants of American slaves, the takeover by leftists of American academic institutions etc. An excellent book dealing with some of the central problems of our time.
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January 18, 2010Left Illusions: An Intellectual Odyssey by David Horowitz (2003)
May 15, 2012
Most interesting at the start, we you read of his break with the left.
June 9, 2013
This book by David Horowitz provides an insider's view showing that there is a very purposeful, dangerous underbelly to the Progressive movement. "Change" and "equality" = Marxism - not hyperbole.
Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews