Israel’s 2009 invasion of Gaza was an act of aggression that killed over a thousand Palestinians and devastated the infrastructure of an already impoverished enclave. The Punishment of Gaza shows how the ground was prepared for the assault and documents its continuing effects. From 2005—the year of Gaza’s “liberation”—through to 2009, Levy tracks the development of Israel policy, which has abandoned the pretense of diplomacy in favor of raw military power, the ultimate aim of which is to deny Palestinians any chance of forming their own independent state. Punished by Israel and the Quartet of international powers for the democratic election of Hamas, Gaza has been transformed into the world’s largest open-air prison. From Gazan families struggling to cope with the random violence of Israel’s blockade and its “targeted” assassinations, to the machinations of legal experts and the continued connivance of the international community, every aspect of this ongoing tragedy is eloquently recorded and forensically analyzed. Levy’s powerful journalism shows how the brutality at the heart of Israel’s occupation of Palestine has found its most complete expression to date in the collective punishment of Gaza's residents.
Gideon Levy (Hebrew: גדעון לוי) is an Israeli journalist and author. Levy writes opinion pieces and a weekly column for the newspaper Haaretz that often focus on the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories. Levy has won prizes for his articles on human rights in the Israeli-occupied territories. In 2021, he won Israel's top award for journalism, the Sokolov Award.
"Here lie their bodies, row upon row, some of them tiny. Our hearts have turned hard and our eyes have become dull. All of Israel has worn military fatigues, uniforms that are opaque and stained with blood and which enable us to carry out any crime. Even our leading intellectuals fail to speak out about the havoc we have wreaked.
People “in shock” exist only in Israel; no one has gone into shock in Gaza. “Children of the south” live only in Sderot. Hamas fighters are “terrorists,” and “Hamas activists,” too, are not entitled to the honorific title of “noncombatants,” so their fate is the same. Every postman of the Palestinian postal service, every policeman, every government accountant and maybe also every doctor working in Hamas’s non-civil administration is considered an activist of the organization and therefore is to be killed before he kills us. children “died from their wounds,” adults were killed with “rubber bullets,” a six-year-old child who is killed is a “youth,” a twelve-year-old who is killed is a “young man” and both are “terrorists”; we established a “crossings unit,” which is a network of roadblocks, and a “coordination and liaison directorate,” which hardly coordinates or liaises between anything; we killed “gunmen” and “wanted individuals” and people “required for questioning,” all of them “ticking bombs.” Now we have a “humanitarian corridor” and an equally “humanitarian” cease-fire.
Anyone who justifies this war also justifies all of its crimes. Anyone who sees it as a defensive war must bear the moral responsibility for its consequences. Anyone who now encourages the politicians and the army to continue will also have to bear the mark of Cain that will be branded on his forehead after the war. All those who support the war also support the horror.
the horrifying proportion of this war, a third of the dead being children, has not been seen in recent memory. God does not show mercy to the children at Gaza’s nursery schools, and neither does the Israel Defense Forces. That’s how it goes when war is waged in such a densely packed area with a population so blessed with children. About half of Gaza’s residents are under fifteen. No pilot or soldier goes to war to kill children. Not one intends to kill children, but it also seems that in this war, neither did they intend not to kill children.
Words, it is true, do not kill; but words can ease the work of killing. From the dawn of the Israeli occupation in the territories—by now an ancient dawn—or perhaps from the very establishment of the state, or maybe even from the revival of Hebrew, the language has been mobilized in active reserve service.
“That’s what is so nice, as it were, about Gaza: You see a person on a road … and you can just shoot him.” This “nice” thing has been around for forty years. Another soldier talked about a thirst for blood. This thirst, too, has been with us for years. When an army does not investigate thousands of cases of killing over many years, the message to the soldiers is clear, and it comes from the top.
None of the people involved in the Gaza war can speak of peace now. Those who delivered such a brutal blow to the Palestinians, only to sow more hatred and fear among them, have no intention of making peace. Those responsible for firing white phosphorous shells into a civilian population and destroying thousands of homes cannot talk the following day about two states living peacefully side by side.
We control their population registrar and their currency—and having their own military is out of the question—and then you argue that the occupation is over? We have crushed their livelihood, besieged them for two years, and you claim they “have expelled the Israeli occupation”? The occupation of Gaza has simply taken, on a new form: a fence instead of settlements. The jailers stand guard on the outside instead of the inside.
You’re actually justifying the most brutal war Israel has ever fought, and in so doing you are complicit in the fraud that “the occupation of Gaza is over,” as well as justifying mass killings by evoking the alibi that Hamas “deliberately mingles between its fighters and the civilian population.” You are judging a helpless people denied a government and army—which includes a fundamentalist movement using improper means to fight for a just cause, namely the end of the occupation—in the same way you same way you judge a regional power, which considers itself humanitarian and democratic, but which has shown itself to be a brutal and cruel conqueror. As an Israeli, I cannot admonish their leaders while our hands are covered in blood, nor do I want to judge Israel and the Palestinians in the same way you have. The residents of Gaza have never had ownership of “their own piece of land,” as you have claimed. We left Gaza because of our own interests and needs, and then we imprisoned them. We cut the territory off from the rest of the world and the occupied West Bank, and did not permit them to construct an air or sea port.
What would have happened if the Palestinians had not fired Qassams? Would Israel have lifted the economic siege that it imposed on Gaza? Would it open the border to Palestinian laborers? Free prisoners? Meet with the elected leadership and conduct negotiations? Encourage investment in Gaza? Nonsense. If the Gazans were sitting quietly, as Israel expects them to do, their case would disappear from the agenda—here and around the world. Israel would continue with the convergence, which is solely meant to serve our goals, ignoring their needs. Nobody would have given any thought to the fate of the people of Gaza if they had not behaved violently.
ignoring their needs. Nobody would have given any thought to the fate of the people of Gaza if they had not behaved violently. That is a very bitter truth, but the first twenty years of the occupation passed quietly and we did not lift a finger to end it.
And no, I do not know “very well,” as you wrote, that we don’t mean to kill children. When one employs tanks, artillery and planes in such a densely populated place, one cannot avoid killing children. I understand that Israeli propaganda has cleared your conscience, but it has not cleared mine, or that of most of the world. Outcomes, not intentions, are what count— and those have been horrendous. “If you were truly concerned about the death of our children and theirs,” you wrote, “you would understand the present war.” you could not conjure up a more crooked moral argument: that the criminal killing of children is done out of concern for their fates.
Our air force bombs and levels “targets,” sometimes also “structures”; never houses. Israel demands a “security zone” in Gaza, and security is always ours, only ours.
Aid cannot be offered with bloodstained hands. Compassion cannot sprout from brutality. Yet there are some who still want it both ways. To kill and destroy indiscriminately and also to come out looking good, with a clean conscience. To go ahead with war crimes without any sense of the heavy guilt that should accompany them. It takes some nerve. Anyone who justifies this war also justifies all its crimes. Anyone who preaches for this war and believes in the justness of the mass killing it is inflicting has no right whatsoever to speak about morality and humaneness. It is not possible to simultaneously kill and nurture.
“This is when I’m ashamed to be Israeli. This horrible missile was launched in my name too.”
The conclusion is that Israel is a violent and dangerous country, devoid of all restraints, blatantly ignoring the resolutions of the United Nations Security Council and not giving a hoot about international law."
"The Punishment of Gaza" is a collection of forty shortish articles written by the brave and honourable Israeli journalist Gideon Levy. The focus of the articles is on the Israels continued aggression against the Gaza strip, despite having "withdrawn" in 2005, during the period from 2006 to summer 2009.
Levy tackles his subject in a wonderfully direct and principled manner, his anger is palpable and his scorn searing. It is hard to imagine a non-Israeli writing in this voice, though it is one that is totally justified.
The collection crescendos with Levy's articles on what is perhaps the most brutal and bloody concentration of violence against the Palestinian people since the formation of Israel in 1947-48. Levy doesnt mince his words on Cast Lead, and is scathing about the politicians who commissioned the slaughter, the army who executed it and the cheer leaders in the Israeli media who egged them on. These pieces dealing with operation "Cast Lead" and its aftermath are amongst the most powerfull, direct and urgent pieces within this collection.
In short this a fine collection of the thoughts of one Israeli journalist on the brutality of his countries behaviour with regard to the Palestinians imprisoned in Gaza. There are no doubt other books of a more analytical nature that give a fuller picture of the events covered by Levy, but they are unlikely to be approached by a writer with such an appetite for justice.
For readers interested in learning more about the Gaza strip I would recommend any of Sara Roys book such as "Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza" and "Failing Peace: Gaza and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict". Other Israeli writers that are well worth reading would include the late Tanya Reinhart (The Road Map to Nowhere") and Avi Shlaim ("The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World").
This book, although containing some pretty horrifying information, was actually a refreshment - an Israeli criticizing Israel's politics!! That's a new one, we have to admit.. Although I did rate it, more from the need to make people want to read it, you can't really rate how much you ''liked'' something so vivid, telling such a sad story of human suffering.. But my recommendations nonetheless!!
“We started the violence. There is no violence worse than the violence of the occupier, using force on an entire nation.” “Nobody would have given any thought to the fate of the people of Gaza if they (Israelis) had not behaved violently. That is a very bitter truth.” Gideon’s day job has been “to cover the Israeli occupation for an Israeli public that does not want to read, see or hear anything about Gaza.” Gideon says the new IDF doctrine is: “a minimum of casualties of our side irrespective of the price.” Remember all that Zionist flack against the Goldstone Report? Yet Goldstone is a self-proclaimed Zionist so why not listen to him and learn, rather than ignore constructive criticism in FAVOR of the Zionist cause? Gideon writes “It is an exasperating calling to write in Israel what so few want to read.”
Zionist poet Ilan Scheinfeld wrote this evocative poem, “Attack Lebanon and also Gaza with plows and with salt, destroy them so no inhabitant remains. Transform them into barren desert, piles of rubble …kill them, spill their blood, frighten the living.” If Himmler and Goering said something like that about Poland it would be seen as evidence of their anti-Semitic sociopathic evil, but none around Scheinfeld even moved to criticize him. Sadly, lifting a finger to object, these days still requires lifting a finger; all that is necessary is for good men to do nothing.
Gazan “residents cannot visit their relatives in the West Bank or look for work in Israel” and no one will invest in Gaza given that buildings can quickly be destroyed with impunity. Gideon is asking for all Israelis to be outraged at what is happening in their name, “the wild onslaught upon the most helpless population in the world.” Gideon reports Israel using white phosphorus on civilians (a war crime – it burns humans to the bone) and the 1,300 dead “More than a hundred times the Israeli casualties and 2,400 buildings destroyed and 350,000 Gaza residents with damaged houses”.
Gideon writes, “If all the residents of the Gaza Strip deserve to be punished because of the Qassam rockets, then maybe all Israelis need to be punished because of the occupation.” Gideon believes the fight against any occupation is more valid and justified than the present occupier’s war against those occupied. Today’s Sderot looks like a resort next to Gaza. “Israel now has carte blanche to kill, destroy and settle.”
European Collusion: “Is that (this) the way Europe wants to see itself? Lavishing gifts on the occupier, boycotting the occupied and becoming an American puppet?”
Before the invention of D9 Bulldozers, Israel wiped 416 villages off the planet the hard way in 1948. Caterpillar has been a major supplier to Israel: Caterpillar Tractors: Bringing “Don’t Tread on Me” to a whole new audience. “The legendary bulldozer driver ‘Kurdi’ told how he would swig whisky as he ‘turned Jenin into a huge soccer field’.” I picture Kurdi picking up his bottle and telling the camera, “When Nothing Beats the Taste of Destroying Dreams, Try ‘Endless Occupation’ Whisky, now in mini-bottles.”
If you are a Gazan, fishing is banned “and working in Israel is out of the question. “Israel’s fish markets are now closed to merchants from Gaza.” “Israeli forces continue to shoot at fishermen from besieged Gaza.” “Gaza’s 40,000 fishermen have been deprived of their livelihood.” You see, most of the fish are ten miles offshore and Palestinians are restricted to a six-mile limit with the added joy that sometimes navy boats even stop them at three miles. It’s hard to find fuel in Gaza so these guys are rowing for hours and Dabur-class patrol boats “lurk everywhere.” “Hezbollah was not weakened as a result of the Second Lebanon War; to the contrary, it was strengthened.” “The vast majority want to impose a total ban on all criticism, on every expression of alternative thinking.” “The frightening balance of blood – about 100 Palestinian dead for every Israeli dead – isn’t raising any questions.” “Don’t bother us about humaneness and compassion.” Israel has declared war for the first time in history “against a strip of land enclosed by a fence.” The Cowardly Joys of Shooting Fish in a Barrel.
Friend of Israel’s real meaning: It means a friend of the occupation and “someone who will give Israel carte blanche for any violent adventure it desires, for rejecting peace and building in the territories.” Just as comically pretending those who disagree with US policy only HATE America, Zionists pretend that if you believe Occupations are wrong, Palestinians are human, or Israel should maybe adhere to International Law, you can ONLY be anti-Semitic or a self-hating Jew. US Aid to Israel: Any friends or family of a spiraling drug addict or future school shooter, will tell you that true “friendship does not mean blind and automatic support.”
Killing Gaza’s Children: In 2006, Gideon went to a nursery school in Beit Lahia where “the schoolchildren drew what they had seen the previous day: an IDF missile striking their school bus, killing their teacher in front of their eyes.” In 2009, Gideon says “about a third of those killed in Gaza have been children (311 dead).” And it sure teaches those kids a lesson they will never forget; that will teach them to be born under occupation! “When one employs tanks, artillery and planes in such a densely populated area, one cannot avoid children.” “About half of Gaza’s residents are under fifteen.”
Because of the occupation, Gideon writes, “the blood of Gaza’s children is on our hands, not Hamas’s hands”. Funny how Zionists will harp on about Hamas ALWAYS hiding among civilians but will never tell you how Tel Aviv’s Defense Ministry is intentionally smack dab in the middle of civilian territory. The vast percentage of Gazan civilian population’s only connection with Hamas was in the voting booth. About Hamas, Gideon writes, “As an Israeli, I cannot admonish their leaders while our hands are covered in blood.” Gideon daily reports on the doings of Israel in the Occupied Territories; he’s there to listen. “We have not weakened Hamas. The population in Gaza which has sustained such a severe blow, will not become more moderate now. On the contrary, the national sentiment will turn even more than before against the party that inflicted the blow – the State of Israel.” “The conclusion is that Israel is a violent and dangerous country, devoid of restraints, blatantly ignoring the resolutions of the United Nations Security Council and not giving a hoot about international law.” Gideon says that it used to be said there were no more moderates in the Arab world, but “now we are the ones who don’t have any.” Gideon asks, do Zionists not know the use of white phosphorous in the midst of population centers is a war crime? The joys of intentionally being a rogue state.
One soldier tells Gideon, “That’s what is so nice, as it were, about Gaza: You see a person on a road …and you can just shoot him” Gideon says this “nice” thing has been around for forty years. “Another soldier talked about a thirst for blood.” “Change will not come without a major change in mindset. Until we recognize the Palestinians as human beings, just as we are, nothing will change.” “When an army does not investigate thousands of cases of killing over many years, the message to the soldiers is clear, and it comes from the top.” “The Israelis don’t pay any price for the injustice of occupation, so the occupation will never end”. An inescapable fact, says Gideon, is that when terrorist attacks by the occupied stop happening, “who remembers there is a Palestinian problem?” To change, Zionists MUST learn there is a price to be paid for Israel’s illegal actions. Ask an Israeli why they feel ostracized and they’ll never tell you any self-criticism says Gideon, “The Israelis are not only enjoying themselves, they are also very satisfied with themselves.”
Another great book by Mr. Levy, I learned a lot and it was very helpful. When our corporate media overlords and US politicians intentionally only tell you one side of a story, you have to seek out and read the most eloquent marginalized voices. If you need find other authors critical of the rogue state of Israel’s long occupation, look at Amira Hass, Ilan Pappe, Noam Chomsky, Edward Said, Norman Finkelstein, John Mearsheimer, Chris Hedges, Max Blumenthal, Aaron Mate, Marc Lamont Hill, Nur Masalha. James Petras, Bruce Gagnon, Glenn Greenwald, John Pilger, Consortium News, the Grayzone, Roger Waters, Rashid Khalidi, and Gideon’s other fine books.
I can't really blame the author or this book, but I was expecting more. I was led up, or more likely I wanted to believe that this was a book by an Israeli writer who went to Gaza to report on the war and of course, Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. Mostly Gaza. But what this book is really about is how the author feels about the subject, and although he is knowledgable on Israeli politics and the world of Gaza, I'm just getting an editorial like opinions on that subject matter. There is nothing here that I disagree with. In fact, I pretty much totally share his view. But it would have been a better book if he actually spent time interviewing the citizens of Gaza as well as Isreal. Or have a deeper perspective on the psychology of Israel and its occupied lands. It's books like this that make me miss the writing and thinking talents of Guy Debord. I'm totally convinced that Gideon Levy is absolutely correct with respect in how he sees the issues here, but in the end of the day, he is preaching to the choir of his church. When I read someone like Ralph Nader's thoughts on Israel, Gaza and The West Bank, I'm getting history, opinion and facts to back his argument. Here I'm getting the names of people who were killed by the bombings or the actual members of the Isreali military - but there is no conclusion to a lot of these stories. For instance, did Isreal ever investigated the beating and shooting of a man who was arrested for God knows what. Probably not, but it would have been interesting if Levy added a footnote to this report, to let the reader know if a conclusion has come or it is just left laying there like a dead 'who cares' news story. But also take into consideration the fact that this book is a collection of reporting (commentary) at the time of the war of 2007/2008. So perhaps there should have been a more expanded afterword or introduction for this book.
I think what I read here would fit perfectly well in a daily newspaper column, and this is a collection of pieces from the Isreali paper Haaretz, but alas it is a series of many listings of the victims from the war, which is important to note and report on. But I wish he would have spent more time knowing who these people are, and their stories as well. To be honest, I read better reporting through various news websites than this book. Also I read an interview with Levy, that was really good. I just wished that this book was just as good as his interview.
I think the book I'm looking for is "The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy" I hear it's academically written, but alas, I think one would get to the truth of the behavior on Israel with respect how they treat their neighbors.
‘The Punishment of Gaza’ is a relatively short collection of relatively short essays covering the conflict in Gaza between 2007 and 2009 in a collection of two to ten pagers. The tightness of description is by no means a limitation but rather a necessity considering their explicitness.
Levy’s accounts of the Gaza war are significant. Because Levy is an Israeli journalist. And more precisely an Israeli journalist who, in fact, ‘visited’ Gaza. His accounts are far from a political analysis, however also don’t claim such. Levy, instead, depicts what he sees and hears. This includes the horrors in Gaza, judicial decisions in Tel-Aviv and the conditions of journalistic freedom in Israel.
As an Israeli journalist Levy does an important job in criticising political decisions. Importantly he does so by emphasising time and again that the prospering of Israel is his core interest and informs this argument well.
In today’s context he presents a grey in-between the black and white of the Israel-Palestine war.
The popular key takeaway that cannot be overemphasised is: Killing and war, regardless of its background, must never be normalised
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
probably the most impactful book on the subject that i've read so far. gideon levy, an israeli, pulls no punches while pointing out the feigned ignorance, hypocrisy, and victim complex of the israeli nation. his voice on the subject lends itself to the urgency and outrage owed to a topic such as genocide. usually books covering palestine tend to focus on historical fact, rather than current suffering. the history is always appreciated and educational, but it can feel demotivating and hopeless after a while. this book had a balance of both past and current oppressions, but the focus on current issues highlights the weight behind these injustices.
“The liquidations, the shelling, and the killing of children will work in exactly the opposite direction from what is intended.”
“And after all this… the winning answer is promptly delivered: ‘they started it. They started it and justice is on our side.’ But the fact is that they did not start it, and justice is not with us.”
“I think of myself as an Israeli patriot. I want to be proud of my country, something that has become increasingly challenging for those Israelis who share my convictions. I also believe that only those who speak up against Israel’s policies — who denounce the occupation, the blockade and the war — are the nations true friends.”
“We started the violence. There is no worse violence than the violence of the occupier, using force on an entire nation, so the question about who fired first is therefore an evasion meant to distort the picture.”
“The theory everybody already knew to be false — that the political choice of a people could be changed through violence, that the Gazans could be made into zionists by being abused — was put into practice anyway.”
“In its foolishness, Hamas brought this on itself and its people, but this does not excuse Israel’s overreaction.”
“Yes, to ask about the other side is permissible even during war, perhaps above all during war.”
“To cringe with shame and guilt at the sight of Shifa hospital is not treason; it is basic humanity. To take an interest in their fate, to ask whether their suffering is unavoidable, just, wise, moral and legitimate is an absolute necessity. To ask if things could have been done differently.”
“And since when is a majority a guarantee of justice? Do we lack examples from history… in which the majority was fatally wrong and the minority ultimately right?”
“Even the cruelest terrorist attacks to befall the country haven’t instilled an understanding among the Israelis about the connection between cause and effect, between occupation and terrorism. Thanks to the media and the politicians — two of the worst agents for dumbing down and blinding Israeli society — we learned that the Arabs are born to kill, the whole world is against us, antisemitism determines how Israel is dealt with and there is no connection between our actions and the price we pay.”
The fact that the above quotes — taken from select columns by Gideon levy written from 2005–2009 — are still applicable is chilling.
A chronicle of imperishable rectitude and integrity from within the heart of darkness
Levy is an exceptionally rare breed of Israeli Jew: the dissenter, the man of moral clarity beyond the brainwashed doublespeak. From the installment of Israel’s unfathomably unjust blockade on Gaza in 2006 through their brutal assaults on the besieged strip in 2009, Levy details deeply empathetic and terse accounts of Palestinian life and death. He does not mince words; amidst the throng of jingoistic, systematically fascist bloodlust, one simply cannot afford to, no matter to cost to one’s career or social standing.
To be clear, yes, Levy’s respect for basic human rights and principled journalistic practice has rendered him all but ostracised from the good graces of Israeli society. So be it! Who would want to be accepted by such a sick society anyway?
That being said, what is astonishing and striking about Levy’s work and its trajectory is how it positions itself in relation to the contemporary Israeli political discourse. At the end of the day, for all his work on behalf of truth and against the occupation, he is still an Israeli citizen. As a result, I’m not sure one can completely designate him anti-zionist, even if he is about as critical of the state of israel as one could possibly be from within its borders. This is not to chastise Levy or police his ideological fidelities. If anything, it’s the development of his so-called “Israeli Patriotism”—a patriotism defined not by blind support for ethnic cleansing but by appealing for the critical restructuring of society and governance for the sake of ending the occupation and thereby transforming Israel into a nation worth existing in the first place—that provides us with incredibly telling insight into just how incapable of reform Israeli society and its institutions truly are, even all the way back in ‘09.
The chronological ordering of Levy’s articles and reports evince a gradual accumulation of despair and anger, matched by an equally gradual dissapearance of appeals to the supposed potential for good within the Israeli populace to which they are addressed. Levy is disgusted and mortified by the actions of Israel (not to mention the direct complicity of its allies) and their unquestioning sanction and celebration by the media and the people, but he is initially at least somewhat invested in the real possibility for real change. He tacitly believes in the intrinsic capability for all humans — no matter how much their minds are contorted by propoganda and racism — to realise the error of their ways and reverse course.
Over the course of the 4 year period between ‘06 and 09’, however, this admirable optimism begins to dwindle as, understandably, wide-eyed desperation and a sense of helplessness creeps in. Who could blame him? How could you read the story of Yasser Temeizi who, under cover of the violence in Gaza, is kidnapped by IOF militants (who obviously face zero reprecussions) in front of his son in the occupied West Bank and murdered for no reason whatsoever, without wondering truly and honestly how such a system could ever hope to be reformed? How could you understand the senseless shooting of Gazan fisherman Mohammad Masalah, punished for the crime of wanting to legally feed his family, without letting the pangs of sorrow boil over into a wild rage at the society that not only enables but actively encourages such things to transpire on a daily basis?
His 2009 article titled “No Moderates Left” captures these laments rather succinctly. We can trace through these articles the progressive totalisation of supremacist ideology throughout Israeli society, irrevocably consigning palestinians beyond the purview of humanity. The settler colonial enterprise is a one way trip to paranoid, muderous mania, and we have unfortunately reached our destination with not a moment to spare.
Levy reminds us that the current genocide has a truly staggering amount of precedent, no matter what the “it started on october 7th” narratives might have you believe. Take Operation Cast Lead: indiscriminate bombing, the obliteration of essential infrastructure and homes, white phosphorous deployed on densely packed civilian populations, hostages used as pretext for wanton war crimes without their safety actually pursued through available diplomatic avenues, the illegal manipulation and cutting off of electricity to the strip, intentional murder of children, accusations of Hamas using human shields whilst the IOF utilises the so-called “neighbour procedure” themselves, the silent complicity of supposed journalists and lawyers, hundreds dead… Sound familiar? Collective punishment has been the protocol since at least ‘06.
From the vantage point—no—from the rancid cesspit of retrospection, there’s almost a peverse nostalgia to reading Levy’s fierce yet pained condemnations of indiscriminate killings numbering into the hundreds over the course of a multi-year incursion. One almost yearns for the days when one would even have the time to consolidate a sophisticated and pointed report on such numbers; now, what was once a crime that “shocked the world”—raising serious questions of long-term legal and political consequences—is the daily, lived reality of palestinians. The news cycle simply cannot keep up anymore. Every single morning I wake up to a fresh statistic, as another 50-odd starving and innocent gazans are wiped off the face of the earth by a terrorist organisation (as Levy himself calls it) funded by our governments.
This has been something of a ramble, but in the wake of Anas Al-Sharif’s assasination I found this collection of articles to seriously galvanise my anger over this genocide, as if it needed any more fuel. Levy is probably the single most conscientious journalist in Israel—perhaps one of the very few even worthy of the hallowed appellation—but, at least for the timebeing, he only risks his reputation. The palestinian journalists stake their LIVES. Almost all have paid dearly for their vocation, for their bravery, for their invaluable contribution to telling the truth of Gaza’s punishment.
The final article of Levy’s reporting on the ‘09 invasion ends with a sober and suitably ominous assessment of the situation:
“The Israelis don't pay any price for the injustice of the occupation, so the occupation will never end. It will not end a moment before the Israelis understand the connection between the occupation and the price they will be forced to pay. They will never shake it off on their own initiative, and why should they?”
If there is even the most remote consolation from recent events, it is that finally, even if on the smallest scale, the Israelis are finally paying somewhat of a price. A largely nebulous and social price, yes, but a price nonetheless. Let us be apart of the bidding war, let us convert what is social into economic, and what is economic into what is intractably political. Let us help the Israelis understand, by any means necessary.
I am constantly looking for books about Israel and Palestine written from a variety of perspectives. I want to read about the situations and experiences from all angles in an effort to increase my knowledge and empathy for such an increasingly devastating situation. The author's background information told me Gideon Levy is an Israeli journalist who is not afraid to speak out about the human rights violations that have been and continue to be committed against the population of Gaza (and the West Bank). The chapter on "The Children of 5767" was especially heartbreaking and disgraceful. "The Ebb, the Tide, and the Sighs" also hit me hard. How can any of this be right or lead to peace? It absolutely will not and cannot, but all the world and Israel want to focus on is the retaliation that they insist is not retaliation. They color every response as an unprovoked attack of which they can then counter. No wonder the desperation runs high. Any animal backed into a corner will eventually bite, and this situation is no different, although the world turns a blind eye to what's happening in the corner until they hear the yelp of the oppressor. I know wrong has been done on both sides and to both sides (and their women, children, and civilians), but why is no one talking about what the IDF is and has been doing daily...and for years? It doesn't make the terror of what happened on Oct. 7 right or better, but it does make it a bit understandable in a way. What other recourse did they have to be heard and acknowledged? And even though it is not a positive acknowledgement, the world noticed...and is starting to see more of the bigger picture as time goes on. This book is definitely one of the more specific and intense reads about what is happening to Gaza and its people.
I love Gideon Levy's columns in Haaretz, but I guess when confronted with 150 pages of his opinion as opposed to a snapshot of it in the newspaper, I'm more likely to adopt a more cynical/frustrated approach.
No extreme opinion is a good opinion (or at least that's what I think), especially in such a complicated conflict. Levy simplifies the situation far too much, as if almost expecting the reader to come in with an already solid - and even blind - opinion that Israel is wholly in the wrong.
Which is even more disappointing, because the book seriously lacks concrete factual evidence. It's predominantly made up of anecdotes, which while are really interesting, don't really teach us anything about the situation that we didn't already know. So in other words, Levy implies that Israel is the overbearing obstacle to the peace process, but consistently fails to factually, rather than anecdotally, substantiate this claim.
An anecdote about a Palestinian family who was killed by a mis-hit Israel bomb targets us emotionally rather than rationally - which I guess works if the reader reads the book with a preset opinion, but is a seriously manipulative method of conveying a message. Once, twice, three times is okay, but almost whole book of these stories without general facts and without any acknowledgement of the Israeli side makes this book a frustrating read. (other than anecdotes, the rest of the book is kind of essay's of Levy's opinion, which more often than not also lack facts)
Levy wrote: "Any argument against such an attempt does not hold any water. Hamas doesn't recognise Israel - what does is matter? Hamas is a fundamentalist movement - that's irrelevant". This really irritated me. Are Levy's laconic comebacks intended to be taken as axiomatic? What do you mean, what does it matter? How can Israel negotiate with an entity that literally does not acknowledge her right to exist? How can one government negotiate existence with another without mutually acknowledging the basic rights of its counterpart? And as for fundamentalism being irrelevant - when fundamentalism consists of encouraging Jihadist martyrdome against the country with which Levy is purporting it should negotiate, I would say it is quite relevant.
But no, Levy doesn't even venture to substantiate these claims. He just moves on to talk about Cast Lead.
It is surreal to read a book replete with near daily accounts of Israel’s assault on Gaza in 2007/2008/2009, and have it mirror every single news report that has come out since October 2023.
Each account has Levy slipping further and further into desperate confusion over how it is possible that an entire society - his own society - ignores - even celebrates - its own war crimes. But even as he acknowledges occupation is at the root of the problem, he cannot confront it totally. For him, it is only the occupation of Gaza that is the problem.
Levy somehow expects that a post-war commission into the failures of the war and to determine who is responsible will deliver all the justice required.
In recent years, Levy has only become more critical of Israel. His voice is one of the most important of our times, functioning to bridge one of the biggest divides in history. This book and all of Levy’s work is worth engaging with as a starting point for any conversation on moving forward with justice and humanity.
For months horrific images coming out of Gaza has been flooding my timeline. Before reading this book, I had to do a bit of research on the formation of the state of Israel and the occupation of Palestine but the harrowing and detailed writing of Gideon Levy has given a much clearer understanding of the “war in Gaza”.
The 40 articles written by Levy between 2006 - 2009 are strikingly similar to what’s being heard and seen today. From the gruesome images and accounts of violence coming from Gaza to the disappointing dialogue of leaders in the US and Europe and choice words used by media outlets to comment on the conflict.
Levy is clearly an incredibly passionate journalist who is able to not only express his mortification and outrage towards the Israeli government, but to pass it on as well.
Following Israel’s withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, Israeli journalist Gideon Levy speaks against the sustained aggression against Gaza from 2006-2009. Articulate and incisive and endlessly compassionate, Levy’s articles are important historical records of the press for Palestinian liberation from within Israel.
Levy’s writing is harsh, angry, and unforgiving. His reporting in Israel is of immense importance and it’s heartbreaking (yet unsurprising) to see how history continues to repeat itself over and over again.
“Our air force bombs and levels ‘targets,’ sometimes also ‘structures’; never houses. Israel demands a ‘security zone’ in Gaza, and security is always ours, only ours.”
beautiful and of course quite sad, would have given 4.5 if possible
Gideon Levy is a brave Israeli journalist who is willing to tell truths to an audience not just unwilling to hear him, but who call for him to be tried for treason.
This book is just one more brick in the entire wall of evidence pointing to how we got to where we are today, and it's mostly what the Israelis did in 1948 and how they have conducted the occupation of a populace who never wanted to be part of a Jewish state, who never went to war with a Jewish state, and ask only to be given a state of their own.
Until that time comes, let us continue to educate ourselves to the harsh realities on the ground, which are never spoken about in the West. What a miracle they are even shared in Haaretz.
"This is the same Europe that continues to participate in the blockade of Gaza and the boycott of its government, the only instance of which I am aware of an international boycott of the occupied rather than the occupier." (x)
"If each group in its field — and perhaps this will someday also include tourism officials, business people, artists and athletes — all boycott Israel, perhaps Israelis will begin to understand, albeit the hard way, that there is a price to pay for the occupation, a price they pay with their pockets and with their status." (p. 5)
(quoting a Palestinian family whose family had just been killed) "'They always said the helicopters were the smartest weapons. Suddenly it's the dumbest weapon...It's happened to other families too. I don't know when it will stop. If it keeps on like this, I don't know how it will end. Who can put a stop to it? Only the two peoples. They're the ones with the pain and the suffering. Not the governments or the leaders. Only the peoples can put an end to this business. The Israelis and the Palestinians. Olmert's son doesn't serve in the army, and Haniyeh's son doesn't go around with a rifle opposing the occupation." (p. 18)
"We are allowed to bomb anything we want and they are not allowed to launch Qassams. When they fire a Qassam at Ashkelon, that's an 'escalation of the conflict,' but when we bomb a university and a school, it's perfectly all right. Why? Because they started it. That's why the majority thinks that all the justice is on our side. Like in a schoolyard fight, Israel's assurance that they started it is the winning moral argument to justify every injustice." (p. 19)
"If the Gazans were sitting quietly, as Israel expects them to do, their case would disappear from the agenda — here and around the world. Israel would continue with the convergence, which is solely meant to serve our goals, ignoring their needs. Nobody would have given any thought to the fate of the people of Gaza if they had no behaved violently. That is a very bitter truth, but the first twenty years of the occupation passed quietly and we did not lift a finger to end it. Instead, under cover of hte quiet, we built the enormous, criminal settlement enterprise." (p. 21)
"IDF troops killed children in the West Bank, too. Jamil Jabaji, a fourteen-year-old boy who tended horses in the new Askar refugee camp, was shot in the head and killed last December. He and his friends were throwing rocks at the armored vehicle that passed by teh camp, located near Nablus. The driver provoked the children, slowing down and speeding up, slowing down and speeding up, until finally a soldier got out, aimed his gun at the boy's head, and fired. Jamil's horses were left in their stable, and his family was left to mourn." (p. 38)
"Bushra Bargis hadn't even left her home. In late April she was studying for a big test, notebooks in hand, pacing around her room in the Jenin refugee camp in the early evening, when a sniper shot her in the forehead from quite far away. Her blood-stained notebooks bear witness to her final moments." (p. 40)
"The (Israeli) Supreme Court is authorizing collective punishment, which is specifically forbidden under international law (Article 33 of the Geneva Convention). (p. 51)
"When we say that someone is a 'friend of Israel,' we mean a friend of the occupation, a believer in Israel's self-armament, a champion of its language of strength and a supporter of all its regional delusions. When we say someone is a 'friend of Israel,' we mean someone who will give Israel carte blanche for any violent adventure it desires, for rejecting peace and for building in the territories." (p. 72)
"The theory everybody already knew to be false — that the political choice of a people could be changed through violence, that the Gazans could be made into Zionists by being abused — was put into practice anyway." (p. 76)
"Cry, the beloved country, that is not my patriotism, which is nevertheless supreme patriotism. In fact, the furious responses to every scrap of criticism give rise to the suspicion that perhaps something terrible is burning beneath their feet, that a vast conflagration is threatening to burst through the thick, stupefying, contorting, and obfuscating fog that covers them. Maybe we are not as right as everyone promises us morning and night, maybe something horrific is happening in front of our wide-shut eyes. If Israelis were so sure of the rightness of their cause, why the violent intolerance they display toward everyone who tries to make a different case?" (p. 91)
"God does not show mercy to the children at Gaza's nursery schools, and neither does the Israel Defense Forces. That's how it goes when war is waged in such a densely packed area with a population so blessed with children. About half of Gaza's residents are under fifteen." (p. 104)
"No pilot or soldier goes to war to kill children. Not one intends to kill children, but it also seems in this war, neither did they intend not to kill children. Israel's pilots and soldiers went to war after the IDF had already killed 952 Palestinian children and adolescents since May 2000." (p. 104)
"One can say that Hamas hides among the civilian population, as if the Defense Ministry in Tel Aviv is not located in the heart of a civilian population, as if there are places in Gaza that are not in the heart of a civilian population. One can also claim that Hamas uses children as human shields, as if in the past our own organizations fighting to establish a country did not recruit children." (p. 104)
"A significant majority of the children killed in Gaza did not die because they were used as human shields or because they worked for Hamas. They were killed because the IDF bombed, shelled or fired at them, their families or their apartment buildings. That is why the blood of Gaza's children is on our hands, not on Hamas's hands — and we will never be able to escape that responsibility." (p. 104)
"Hamas fighters are 'terrorists,' and 'Hamas activists,' too, are not entitled to the honorific title of 'noncombatants,' so their fate is the same. Every postman of the Palestinian postal service, every policeman, every government accountant and maybe also every doctor working in Hamas's non-civil administration is considered an activist of the organization and therefore is to be killed before he kills us." (p. 112)
"You are judging a helpless people denied a government and army — which includes a fundamentalist movement using improper means to fight for a just cause, namely the end of the occupation — in the same way you judge a regional power, which considers itself humanitarian and democratic, but which has shown itself to be a brutal and cruel conqueror. As an Israeli, I cannot admonish their leaders while our hands are covered in blood, nor do I want to judge Israel and the Palestinians in the same way you have." (p. 113)
"After all, they could always claim he tried to steal their weapons — never mind that he was bound with plastic handcuffs that were practically impossible to get out of. A bullet in the stomach from close range ended the life of Yasser Temeizi, thirty-five, who had a work permit and had held jobs in Israel for all of his adult life; in the past year he had worked for the Harash company in Ashdod. He was a young father who'd never gotten in to any trouble with the IDF before. The soldiers arrested him for no reason, beat him for no reason in front of one of his small children and finally executed him for no reason." (p. 130)
"If was all in vain: no progress made, no goal achieved, nothing. Deterrence was not reestablished, arms smuggling into Gaza was not stopped, Hamas was not weakened and abducted Israel Defense Forces soldier Gilad Shalit was not freed. On these facts we all agree.
Moreover, we paid a huge price: Hamas is stronger, the injured Palestinian people are even more hateful toward us, and Israel is viewed as a pariah in global public opinion, with rioting on a basketball court in Ankara where an Israeli team played and the banning of spectators from Israel's Davis Cup tennis encounter with Sweden in Malmo. We are the last of the rogue states." (p. 138)
"To do this without any unnecessary moral qualms, we have trained our soldiers to think that the lives and property of Palestinians have no value whatsoever. It is part of a process of dehumanization that has endured for dozens of years — the fruits of the occupation." (p. 142)
"The Israelis don't pay any price for the injustice of the occupation, so the occupation will never end." (p. 145)
Wow, this book was better than I thought it would be. And I can also say that if you are a staunch Israel defender, than this book is a pure nightmare, especially considered what is still true today. And there were several examples of that. What the author wrote in 2008 about Europe and how it seems to let Israel get away with far too much and becomes more and more a puppet of the USA is still true today. The actually social parties won't even speak out about the committed crimes, no wonder the right wingers get more power. And all this despite the growing public discontent with Israel, and I doubt the ones in power do not know this. Also I would say that looking back now, 7 years after the author wrote on whether Obama would be a true friend of Israel and not what high Israeli politicians call a friend (as they did with Bush) I think you can safely say that they didn't need to worry as Obama's foreign policy is not that different from Bush and even when he wants to do something, there are tons of US politics willing to help Israel with everything they ask for. Another thing that is sadly still up to date now is that Israel's militarism didn't stop or weaken Hamas, not then, not last year, not today. It only strengthened them each time. And Netanyahu and his ilk are too dumb or careless to realize that. And make no mistake, the author is a staunch patriot and you notice that in all of his articles he wrote/collected in this book, but he is the sort of patriot that is the first to say when he things something goes wrong in his country and you notice how passionate he is with this book. I wish I had read some of the articles and statements the author responds to on his own here. Reading those could be really interesting. He also had a good grasp on the psychology of war and "us vs. them" when he writes: Most of the soldiers who took part in the assault on Gaza are youths with morals. Some of them will volunteer for any mission. They will escort an old woman across the street or rescue earthquake victims. But in Gaza, when faced with the "inhuman" Palestinians, the package will always be suspicious, the brainwashing will be stupefying and the core principles will change. That is not something many people would want to hear and like I said, ueberfans of Israel would not like the authors last article here about scorn about the world and the lack of Israeli self-criticism, especially when he writes this: So why should we worry? It's true that the world is beginning to scowl at Israel. But so what? Israelis are convinced that the world hates us anyway. As long as we are not deprived of the world's pleasures, there is no reason to worry.
This book is a collection of articles written for the Haaretz newspaper by Gideon Levy during the period of 2007-2009, covering the “War” on Gaza. What startles most is how similar the period of the Gaza attacks are to the period prior to it. For Operation Cast Lead read Operation Summer Rain which killed many innocent Palestinians without the pretext of a “war” footing.
There are some personal and harrowing stories of people that my prose can’t do justice to. Aside from a documentation of atrocity this is also fine journalistic prose encased within a moral framework of literature.
Levy bemoans the lack of democratic discourse in Israel and the seeming lack of empathy of his fellow Israeli citizens. He also resents the fact that the one place his reports do not reach is the United States, the one place they need to be read.
He saves his most brutal discourse for political leaders in the Israeli Knesset whom he variously labels as cowards, criminals and evil. Rhetoric aside this is one man in Israel who sees through the smoke and mirrors of the IDF PR machine and tells the uncomfortable truths to a population who increasingly seem to want to cover their ears and eyes. The Palestinians can’t do this, and more reporters with Levy’s passion are required if the message is ever to get through.
A useful note to the reader would be to read this book in conjunction with Sharyn Lock’s personal account of the 2009 invasion and bombing of Gaza, so as to see the side from within the prison Gaza has become and from the debilitating position of an Israeli citizen who shouts to deaf ears.
A collection of editorial articles, written by Gideon Levy for Haaretz, one of the few newspapers that allows coverage of the occupation, aside from Aljazeera. Levy, while an Israeli, does oppose the occupation, but when you read the chronological collection of the articles, you can see the progression of Levy's stance, starting from being more sympathetic to the IDF(IOF) soldiers for only following orders of the real criminals (the high ranking govt. officials), to admitting that all the IDF, the ministry, and government do is lie about their abhorrent actions in Gaza. While it is refreshing to see this progression, especially when it comes to the context of of the timeline reported (2006-2009), I felt wanting more first-hand accounts of the Palestinians.
Maybe I am being too harsh, especially with the current situation in Palestine right now. That isn't to say that I don't recommend this book. I do recommend those who are interested to read it, as the additional context of the years 2006-2009 are important to know. However, more must be done by Israelis who are sympathetic to the Palestinians, if we do want to see the inevitable demise of the apartheid state that is Israel.
Gideon Levy is a journalist with Haaretz. This book is a collection of his essays written between 4 June 2006 - 19 July 2009. It is eerie how it reads this the present bombardment. Highly recommend if you’re looking for more understanding how actions have led up today on both sides of the border and concerns that Israelis history of disproportionate action fosters further popularization of Hamas (and relatedly Hezbollah).
disclaimer: I don’t really give starred reviews. I enjoy most books for what they are, & I extract lessons from them all. I hope my reviews provide enough information to let you know if a book is for you or not. Find me here: https://linktr.ee/bookishmillennial
This book is a collection of essays/articles by Gideon Levy, an Israeli journalist. They range from 2005-2009, and though these are from over a decade ago, it was chilling to read how similar the events Gideon refers to are to what has been happening in Gaza since early October 2023. As we enter the holiday season, it truly feels so dystopian to me to be finding glimmers of hope and joy as I read about the horrors that the Palestinians have been enduring for so long.
I highly recommend this collection to anyone who wants the perspective of an Israeli journalist who does not believe in heedlessly supporting and/or defending everything his country/government does simply to claim he is “patriotic.” Levy notes that true patriotism requires being able to criticize and challenge them instead to do better and to be a government/country to be proud of.
He sometimes criticizes Hamas and claims Israel’s violence will only strengthen Hamas and possibly cause children to grow up to become suicide bombers, which I found to be harmful messaging and problematic. However, his criticism and condemnation of the Israeli government and IDF was much harsher and he did not hold back on clarifying that these were indeed war crimes that they were committing. One of his letters “An Open Response to A. B. Yehoshua” on January 18, 2009 felt really timely to me, as it reminded me of current debates I have seen circulating. I also did not know about “Waltz with Bashir” being nominated at the Oscars, and Levy highlights his disappointment and rage due to the fact that he felt the Palestinian equivalent of a film would never be recognized, nor nominated or win an Oscar.
As I read article “They Told Me Daddy Died,” I couldn’t help but think of the parallels to the United States’ own federally-sanctioned violence against Black folks. Levy says, “What kind of training is needed for such situations? Do soldiers really need to be trained not to shoot a handcuffed prisoner? Do they truly need to be trained to immediately summon medical care for someone who is gravely wounded?” and my heart hurt to think of all the Palestinians and Black folks who have been murdered at the hands of the police, and these crimes are rarely ever acknowledged or questioned. All freedom is connected, and this article sent chills down my spine.
Levy ends with “Change will not come without a major shift in mindset. Until we recognize the Palestinians as human beings, just as we are, nothing will change. If it did, the occupation would collapse, God forbid. In the meantime, prepare for the next war and the next round of horrific testimonies about the most moral army in the world,” and I again am ruminating on how Plestia, Motaz, Bisan and so many more have risked their lives sharing the collective punishment that Gazans are enduring right now. The world has been watching in real time, and my heart is broken.
I apologize for the lack of finesse and overall writing quality to this review, as I am honestly a bit speechless as I think back on what I’ve read
---Israeli Haaretz journalist and dissenting voice Gideon Levy provides a critical study of the Israeli government and military, and the Western powers. He gives a detailed account of the build-up to the 2009 Israeli military assault on Gaza. The attack killed more than 1,000 Palestinians and created many casualties and traumatised children. The assault destroyed large numbers of buildings and homes. Does this sound familiar? Levy’s The Punishment of Gaza (2010) traces political, military and diplomatic developments since 2005 that led to the 2009 Israeli attack. Highlighted are the aggression of the Israeli government towards the Palestinian civilians and children, how the world’s leaders ignore the Palestinian Occupied Territories (of Gaza, East Jerusalem, and the West Bank), and the ongoing saga of Israel’s refusal to accept the establishment of an independent and sovereign Palestine. ---Levy explains how Israeli diplomacy was replaced by raw power and aggression. In 2005, a diplomatic agreement between the Palestinian and the Israeli governments agreed on the eviction of Zionist settlers from Gaza and the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) removal from Gaza. Complicating the Gazans’ suffering was the democratic election in Gaza of Hamas in 2007; this angered Israel, the United States and the European Union. In 2007, Israel placed a boycott against Gaza (supported by Egypt and the EU) on certain goods and people. The target was the Hamas government. The outcome of the above events and Israeli hardline policies of occupation has led to Gaza becoming “the largest open prison on earth, a gruesome experiment performed on living human beings,” comments Levy (Levy, 2010, Intro, Loc 74). ---Levy says he had real hope for the 1990s (and the Oslo Accords circa 1993) that peace in Gaza would happen, but “The occupation did not end. On the contrary, it is more cruel, criminal and inhuman today than ever before” (Levy, 2010, Intro, Loc 68). This was before 2005. After 2005, Levy writes that the occupation remained but “had simply changed form” (Levy, 2010, Intro, Loc 74). ---The injustice and inequality shown by Israel towards the Palestinians motivated Levy to speak out. He explains: “That is precisely what I have been trying to elicit all these years: outrage, outrage, and offense at what Israel is making a million and a half helpless immiserated people living in the strip endure” (Levy, 2010, Intro, Loc 79). By 2006, the Israeli regime had stopped communication with Gaza and prevented Israeli journalists like Levy from entering Gaza. ---The book’s language about Gaza is awash with the terms occupation, collective punishment, dehumanisation, traumatised children and women, destruction, horror, starvation, blackouts, bombardments, siege, brutality, ‘targeted’ assassination, liquidation, refugee camps, verbal violence, war crimes, civilian deaths, racism, seizing funds, Zionist settlers, shelling, kill-and-destroy operations, blockade, vengeance and punishment, IDF, and al-Qassam Brigades. ---Levy lists the destruction of Gaza during the Israeli assault from December 27th 2008, to January 18th 2009 (Operation Cast Lead or the Gaza Massacre): almost 1,3000 adults and children were killed, 5,000 wounded, and 2,400 buildings destroyed, including 30 mosques, 121 factories and workshops, and 29 places of education, and the homes of 350,000 people needed repairing (Levy, 2010, Intro, Loc 94). Levy highlights an important insight: “And above all else the new IDF doctrine: a minimum of casualties on our side irrespective of the price. Virtually everything is now fair play” (Levy, 2010, Intro, Loc 100). ---Furthermore, Levy writes about his wish to change the status quo and stop the Israeli regime’s inhumanity. He has documented events for twenty years while the occupation has “inexorably tightened its grip. I have sought to record the increasing—and ever more rapid—accumulation of war crimes and human rights abuses committed during that period. It is an exasperating calling to write in Israel what so few want to read” (Levy, 2010, Intro, Loc 126). ---The book consists of four parts and forty chapters. Part One concerns 2006, Part Two covers 2007, Part Three relates to 2008, and Part Four details 2009. The majority of the chapters are in Parts Three and Four. Each chapter studies one narrative or theme on a particular day, including Levy’s observations and the accounts of Palestinian individuals of all ages, genders, and classes. ---In Part One, Levy’s chapters examine Israel's boycott of Yassar Arafat and Hamas. Boycotts of Israel were established by Western-based civil societies, human rights groups, and Muslim activists against Israel’s economy, universities, and cultural events. Secondly, so-called ‘collateral damage’ tells the story of one Gazan family killed as the result of military action. Thirdly discussed is how Israel cuts electricity for 750,000 Palestinians, how 20,000 are expelled from their homes to allow the IDF to operate locally—and how both sides kidnap hostages for ‘bargaining chips’ in hostage exchanges. The concept of ‘collective punishment’ is outlined; Levy critically assesses Israel’s ‘legitimate war’ rhetoric. Fourthly, this part details the death of the Wahba family while dining at home; the cause of death was Israeli Air Force bombs. ---Part Two refers to 2007 and details the extremist language and verbal aggression of some Israeli politicians used against the Palestinians. Levy says: “the IDF is waging a war against children” (Levy, 2010, Chapter 2, Loc 460), while the deaths of Palestinian children generally attract “public indifference” in Israel (Ibid). This chapter has much more to say, but the above gives an idea of its content. ---In Part Three (2008), Levy explores how the Palestinians turn to international law courts for justice, the moral obligations of the occupier, the USA and EU dignitaries who visit Israel, continuing targeted killings of Hamas leaders in Gaza and innocent bystanders (as so-called ‘collateral damage’), Israel’s use of Caterpillar bulldozers to destroy Palestinian homes, the atrocities of Israeli Brigadier General Moshe Tamir, and Israel’s draconian working restrictions placed upon Gaza’s 40,000 fishermen. ---Part Four (2009) covers Levy’s views about the need for political dialogue between Israel and its enemies and opponents. After all, the military conflict against the Palestinians creates an illusionary victory for Israel. Also debated are government and immorality, the problematic personal ethics of soldiers and the Israeli media, (critical and uncritical forms of) Israeli patriotism, how Israel is perceived abroad by world opinion, and Israel’s negative standing in the world because of its human rights abuses, the longstanding mistreatment of the Arab Palestinians and the Israeli cabinet’s and parliament’s dismissal of international law regards the occupation. ---Levy’s book explains the human cost and distress of the Isreal–Palestine War. The book is perfect for anyone new to the conflict and wants to understand the accounts of individuals, particularly the large number of Palestinian victims. Levy manages to describe the complex politics of the war straightforwardly. Levy’s decency and moral outlook are in his writing and his conclusions. He is a brave writer, respectful of humankind, and his views are remarkably candid. The book is highly recommended for students of Middle Eastern and Palestinian politics, colonialism and racism studies--and university scholars, journalists, and politicians.
4/5 I first found Gideon Levy through the now-famous Munk debate where it was Levy and Mehdi Hasan (the GOAT) versus Douglas Murray and Natasha Hausdorff. I thought both Hasan and Levy did an amazing job, so I was naturally pretty interested to read Levy's work on Gaza. And this definitely didn't disappoint. You can really feel Levy's anger with his government through his writings, and the diary format of this was also very affective. There are forty chapters, most of which are only a few pages, which makes this a really quick read, so if you're interested in learning more about the occupation of Gaza in the late 2000s, then this is a great introductory book. One of the most interesting chapters to me was the one discussing Caterpillar (as in the construction equipment company), and how they are effectively a 'defense' contractor (really an offense contractor) for Israel due to them supplying the IDF with bulldozers used to destroy Palestinian homes, as well as to run over civilians, killings of which the IDF calls 'accidents' or 'mistakes'. Not only does this chapter (and all the others) show the IDF's blatant cruelty, but it also exposes yet another corporation that supports this apartheid state. (In fact, literally the day I'm writing this, Norway's Wealth Fund is selling their shares of Caterpillar due to the company's role in Gaza today, so this is just one example of Levy's work from over a decade ago still being incredibly relevant today). I also thought Levy did a great job at giving a voice to the voiceless, as he cites many specific examples of injustice committed against the Palestinians, telling individual people's stories in the process. This is an important read in general, but especially right now. If you read the majority of these chapters without knowing the date they were written, you could easily be fooled into thinking they were written over the past two years. This just proves that the occupation never ended, and the suffering continued despite the assurance from Israel and the US that they're 'moral actors' and 'looking for peace'. Everyone should read this.
This book is a compilation of Levy's op-eds in Haaretz, Israel's left-leaning daily newspaper, specifically those about Gaza, from 2006-2009. His writings provide a much needed window into the horrors of war and the impact on civilians who inevitably get caught up in the violence, yet are almost completely ignored in the Israeli press. He draws clear lines of culpability from political decisions and public complicity to the war crimes committed by the IDF.
The problem is that the book is very one note. He takes turns attacking every prominent Israeli politician and military leader, excoriates the soldiers for "just following orders", attacks fellow journalists for turning a blind eye, blames Obama for supporting Israel's actions, the supreme court for not stopping the politicians from enabling the army, etc. It's just one long vitriolic diatribe blaming everyone for the deadly military activity. Everyone, that is, aside from the Palestinians who started the conflict, and support the heinous acts of terrorism that target Israeli civilians on a daily basis.
In this worldview only Israel is ever to blame. Yet never is an alternative solution proposed. Nowhere is there a concession that sometimes unsavory actions taken in self-defense are necessary. Levy states as fact with no evidence or supporting arguments that Israel is conducting wars of choice, as if allowing Hamas and Hezbollah to overrun the region was a preferable solution. If he does in fact have anything else to add to the conversation, it would have been nice to include it in this book, but without devoting even a single page to questioning the "why" and focusing exclusively on the negative side-effects he renders his valid criticism irrelevant. If there is no viable alternative, then the atrocities he so eloquently depicts are legitimate, however awful they may be. Which is the exact opposite of what he's trying to convey, and why this book is such a failure, regardless of the reader's larger opinions on the situation.
“Soon afterward we went back to Jerusalem to visit Maria Aman, the amazing little girl from Gaza who lost nearly everyone in her life, including her mother, to a missile strike gone awry that wiped out her innocent family. Her devoted father Hamdi remains by her side. For a year and a half, she has been cared for at the wonderful Alyn Hospital, where she has learned to feed a parrot with her mouth and to operate her wheelchair using her chin. All her limbs are paralyzed. She is connected day and night to a respirator. Still, she is a cheerful and neatly groomed child whose father fears the day they might be sent back to Gaza”
“IDF troops killed children in the West Bank, too. Jamil Jabaji, a fourteen-year-old boy who tended horses in the new Askar refugee camp, was shot in the head and killed last December. He and his friends were throwing rocks at the armored vehicle that passed by the camp, located near Nablus. The driver provoked the children, slowing down and speeding up, slowing down and speeding up, until finally a soldier got out, aimed his gun at the boy’s head and fired. Jamil’s horses were left in their stable, and his family was left to mourn.”
“Firas enters the bereaved household in Idna, a blue UNICEF book bag on his back. In a soft, chirpy voice, he tells the story of his last day with his father. He recounts the donkey ride to the family’s olive grove, the soldiers who knocked his father down before his eyes and how he made his way home alone, scared by the barking dogs. “Later on they told me that Daddy died,” the boy says quietly, the trauma evident on his face. Just so the soldiers who killed a handcuffed man, and their commanders and investigators, should know.”