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187 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2008
“No, for the sake of human dignity the free individual is not allowed to ignore universal, timeless values. Intellectuals in particular should resist this kind of nihilism. Not everything is allowed. Human freedom is in essence relative; it is subordinate to the immortal and never completely attainable ideal of human dignity. Furthermore, absolute freedom obliterates justice. There are transcendental absolute values that have priority and are obligatory for everyone.” –“Nobility of Spirit,” page 70
The politicization of the spirit is nothing other than another reduction of reality. Just as commercialization—the spirit blinded by gold, that little god—can see the world only in terms of profit and loss, so the politicized spirit can see only the political interests of society. Humanity’s division is as old as humanity itself. There are always the rich and the poor, the powerful and the powerless. What is just? Who is entitled to what? Like humanity, the politicized spirit is divided, for it can see with only one eye at a time. Its right eye looks through the glass of “property” and sees primarily wealth, order, law, preservation, tradition, the past, culture, and the nation. The left eye looks through the glass of “lack of property” and sees poverty, disorder, injustice, renewal, the future, science, solidarity and the international.
Universal and timeless truth, goodness, beauty, and justice are reduced to historical, socially determined political views. They lose their universality because that which is historical and political always divides. For in social reality there are always those who work hard and those who do not work, families and those without family, our own people and others, our traditions and that which we do not understand, the rich and the poor, the powerful and the powerless. The politicized spirit fosters these distinctions and bases its values therein. What is good and what is evil? What is true and what is not? What is beautiful and what is ugly? These questions, which never before received a definitive answer, now have answers on the basis of a historical-social analysis that permits only one correct answer: that which the left eye sees or that which the right eye sees. Left or right, one or the other, is always wrong. No matter what, the answer is by definition political.
The world of the spirit is silenced. There is no need any longer for a wisdom and art that isn’t always unequivocal, that creates doubt, is intangible, requires receptivity. There is but one view of what is “good” morality, “good” art, philosophy, literature, truth, the right way to live. The proprietor of this “wisdom” is the modern philosopher-king: party ideologue, pundit, leftist, or conservative thinker.
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“Aren’t we all responsible for the lack of values? Shouldn’t we be the ones to openly declare that we were wrong and that moral values do exist?” That thought never left Camus again. Neither “society’s interests” nor “historical necessity” could release him from his intellectual responsibility to serve civilization, to reason candidly, and to speak the truth. Together with Thomas Mann and Julien Benda, he came to see that the politicization of the spirit is also a kind of nihilism. The individual is no longer a spiritual being with questions to which no answer is forthcoming. The question about the meaning of life is replaced by the goal. The goal is happiness, and politics will provide that. No worries, no doubts, no questions. Myth or reason, tradition or science, right or left: one or the other will show the way—the way to the perfect society and the perfect human being. But the nobility of spirit has been cast out. The perfect barbarians have arrived.
only when humans honor their eternal questions can they remain receptive to the values and meanings without which there is no human dignity. Being receptive will not bring eternal life on earth—earthly existence is and will always be transitory—but it will bring a survival of what ought to be eternal…This is a very effective defence of tradition conceived as continuity maintained through change.
The symbol of military might, the Pentagon, and the symbol of prosperity, the World Trade Centre, where people from many countries, from all across the globe, worked, became the target of violence precisely because both buildings symbolised the conditions of security and prosperity that allow Western civilization, with its values and freedoms, to continue to exist.Thereafter he constructs a crude strawman that purports to represent criticism of the war on terror and uses it to put the intellectual opponents of the war on trial for moral treason. All of the nuance that was found in the previous chapter, when the enemy was European fascism, goes out the window when dealing with the threat of militant Islam: eg. 'there is no difference ... between anti-Semitism, anti-Islamism, and anti-Americanism'. Indeed, anti-Americanism is much on Riemen’s mind:
the anti-American mind attributes a moral legitimacy to the cynical murder of three thousand innocent people. Obviously, this murderous assault was a crime, but... there is capitalism, globalization, imperialism, militarism, own fault, not without blame. Thus the victims are to blame, the attackers are not so blameworthy, and the evil of murder is not so terrible.This sort of rhetoric was all the rage in the mid 2000s among the morally militant (Christopher Hitchens was a master at deploying it against his ideological foes). But all one has to do is flip it around to see that the moral rectitude flows along a geographical, racial, and economic axis—the sarcasm that is immediately obvious in the above quote would not be as immediately evident if he were to write, for instance: 'obviously this [insert Western atrocity of choice] was a crime, but... there is terrorism, fundamentalism...' You get the idea. There is no number of Raymond Aron quotes about the moral failure of intellectuals that can distract from Riemen’s blatant hypocrisy in this chapter and the book never recovers.