What do you think?
Rate this book


288 pages, Paperback
First published October 17, 1996
Chimpanzees seem to use any means possible to gain social advantage - but in fact they don't. For they do not employ material culture to this end. No chimpanzee has ever been seen wearing or using material items to send social messages about status and aspiration. Imagine if our politicians acted with the same self-restraint in their competitive posturing; no pin-striped suits and no old school ties. Material culture is critical to the Machiavellian social antics of modern humans, but it is strangely absent from those of chimpanzees. If social status is so important to them, why not use tools to maintain it? Why not display the head of a little monkey that one had killed, or use leaves to exaggerate the size of one's chest? The failure of chimpanzees to act in this way seems another missed opportunity at this awkward cognitive interface between social behaviour and tool use. There sems to be a brick wall between social and tool behaviour - the relationship between these lacks the fluidity that exists between foraging and tool use. p.106
Scene 1 of Act 4 covers the period from 100,000 to around 60,000 years ago, although we will see the boundary between Scenes 1 and 2 is rather blurred. But the start is clear cut: a new figure enters - our own species, Homo sapiens sapiens. [...] Perhaps surprisingly there is no major change in the props as a whole this time: our new actor continues making the same range of stone tools as his forebears of the final scene of Act 3 [...] but there are hints of something new. In the Near East we see Homo sapiens sapiens not only burying their dead within pits - as indeed are the Neanderthals - but they are placing parts of animal carcasses on to the bodies seemingly as grave goods. In South Africa they are using lumps of red ochre [...] and grinding pieces of bone to make harpoons. These are the very first tools made from materials other than wood or stone.p.26
Scene 2 of this final act begins at around 60,000 years ago with a remarkable event: in south-east Asia Homo sapiens sapiens builds boats and then makes the very first crossing to Australia [...] long thin slivers of flint are being removed that look like, and indeed are called, blades. And then quite suddenly - at around 40,000 years ago - the play becomes transformed in Europe, and in Africa. The props have come to dominate the action. p.26
Art remains rare, or even absent in several regions of the world until 20,000 years ago. But that is just 20,000 years after its first appearance in Europe / an almost insignificant amount of time when set against the more than 1.5 milion years that Early Humans lived without art.
[...]The archaeological record shows us that Stone Age art is not a product of comfortable circumstances when people have time on their hands; it was most often created when when people were living in conditions of severe stress. The florescence of Palaeolithic art in Europe occurred at a time when environmental conditions were extremely harsh around the height of the last ice age. Yet there is unlikely to have been a human population living under more adaptive stress than the Neanderthals of western Europe. But they produced no art. They lacked the capacity to do so.
There can be little doubt that by 30,000 years ago this capacity was a universal attribute of the modern human mind. What does it entail?[...]
1. The form of the symbol may be arbitrary to its referent.
2. A symbol is created with the intention of communication.
3. There may be considerable space/time displacement between the symbol and its referrent.
4. The specific meaning of a symbol may vary between individuals.
5. The same symbol may tolerate some degree of variability [for example in] peoples' handwriting. p.185
At locus 9a), the following meanings are encoded: "well" "lake" "vagina"> At locus (b) the meanings "digging stick" "river" and "penis" are encoded. Consequently three different interpretations of this image would be a river flowing into a lake, a digging stick being used to dig a well, and a penis going into a vagina. All three of these are "correct" interpretations, but each is appropriate in a different social context. Moreover, the interpretations may be connected with a single mythic sequence:
A kangaroo ancestor was digging a well with a digging stick. When he finished, a female wallaby bent down to drink the fresh water, and the kangaroo seized his opportunity to have sexual intercourse with her. The semen flowed out of her body and into the waterhole. Today a river flows into the lake at that place and the kangaroo's penis was transformed into a digging stick which can be seen as a great log beside the lake. p.186
Thomas Kuhn explained that the role of metaphor in science goes far beyond that of a device for teaching and lies at the heart of how theories about the world are formulated. Much of science is perhaps similar to Daniel Dennett's description of the study of human consciousness - a war of competing metaphors. Such a battle has indeed been fought in this book. If we could not think of the mind as a sponge, or a computer, or a Swiss army knife, or a cathedral, would we be able to think about it and study the mind at all? p.252
Just as the tree-climbing ancestry of the australopithecines enabled bipedalism to evolve, so too did bidpedalism itself make possible the evolution of an enhanced vocalization capacity among early Homo- and particularly H. erectus. This has been made clear by Leslie Aiello. She has explained how the upright posture of bipedalism resulted in the descent of the larynx, which lies much lower in the throat than in apes. A spin off, not a cause, of the new position of the larynx was a greater capacity to form the sounds of vowels and consonants. [...] Increased meat-eating [...] changed the geometry of the jaw, enabling muscles to develop which could make the fine movements of the tongue within the oral cavity necessary for the diverse and high-quality range of sounds required by language. p.244
In an (in)famous article written in 1987, he directly compared the toolkits of chimpanzees to thoe of Tasmanian Aborigines and concluded that they were at an equivalent level of complexity by counting "technounits", each of which is simply an individual component of a tool, whatever material that component is made form and however it is used. So a hoe used by, say, a peasant farmer, comprising a shaft, a blade and a binding, has three technounits. [...] When McGrew measured the technounits in the tools of the Tasmanian Aborigines and those of the Tanzanian chimpanzees he found that the mean number of technounits per tool was not substantially different. All chimpanzee tools and most of the Aboriginal tools were made from a single component. The most complex Aboriginal tool, a baited hide, had only four technounits. [...]
[However] Aborigines regularly use a production principle of "replication" when making their tools. THis is the combining of several identical elements, as in a bunch of tied-up grass. McGrew argued that chimpanzees also use this in principle, but the only example he could find was that of a leaf sponge, a crushed mass of essentially identical leaves. Aborigines also regularly use "conjunction", which is the joining of two or more technounits together. But only one single example of conjunction by a chimpanzee has ever been witnessed [...] two stones for nutcracking, one for the hammer and one for the anvil. p.88