Two sentence review: Death, Dissection, and the Destitute provides a great overview of the various issues (economic, social, cultural) involved in the illegal and legal allocation of corpses in nineteenth century England. While there are flaws (especially in Richardson's evaluation of the alternative sources of corpses), this book would make an excellent companion to a class or lecture on the economics of black market goods.
I found this history of the Anatomy Act truly engrossing. Richardson does a nice job of describing the market for bodies before and after the Anatomy Act. Some of the most fascinating tidbits were the descriptions of how ordinary people (rich and poor) tried to mitigate the risk of having their loved ones' bodies taken. There were the huts in which bodies were locked until they started putrefying, making them worthless to "resurrectionists". The rich could afford vaults in the church and iron coffins, making their bodies much harder to steal. The poor set up night watches to protect the bodies of deceased loved ones. There was always the option to riot as well. Some hospitals and anatomy schools were destroyed through this violent collective action when evidence of body snatching emerged. Even planned dissections of murderers made the anatomist performing the dissection unsafe. There is a little bit of industrial organization in the description of how hospitals and large medical schools associated with them have an easier time getting bodies (both before and, especially, after the anatomy act) and that the restriction on certification of anatomy schools tended to increase market power of established schools and lead to concentration of schools in more urban areas, leaving areas outside of large cities without anatomy schools (this reduced the potential of utilizing corpses from rural areas due to the time it took to deliver corpses to the cities).
Richardson also discusses the industrial organization issues of setting up a market in corpses. Does this lead to increased murders a la Burke and Hare? If people can preemptively sell their corpses, does the potential of family members reneging foreclose the possibility of a functioning market? Given the Burke and Hare murders, some might conclude that a market in bodies inherently incentivizes murder, but keep in mind that these murders also occurred while the market for corpses was forbidden. It is plausible that with some sort of clearinghouse or central source of bodies, those incentives would be much reduced, just like the incentive for violence in the drug trade is reduced when drugs are legalized.
There are a few nitpicky things that I didn't enjoy about the book:
- As with most sociologists/anthropologists, Richardson is willing to condemn the superstitions of those in power without critiquing the beliefs of the poor. That is par for the course and is expected.
- After several pages describing the class distribution of robbed graves (poor are more affected because the "mass" graves are easier to obtain bodies from (there're scale economies from robbing mass graves)), Richardson approvingly quotes Wakley who, in critiquing a proponent of the Anatomy Act, claims the "resurrectionists have no respect for classes". While middle and upper class bodies were taken pre-Anatomy Act, it seems disingenuous to imply that the bodies of those classes were stolen at anywhere near equal rates as those of lower classes.
- The alternatives (bequests, importation from abroad, and purchase of bodies) to retrieving "unclaimed bodies" from poor houses and hospitals that Richardson suggests were certainly not actually feasible alternatives. She provides all the rebuttals to these alternatives throughout the text. No way would Georgian and Victorian society norms allow for the open sale of corpses (think Al Roth's idea of repugnant markets). Importation from abroad only pushes the issues one link up the supply chain while also adding in the difficulty of preserving the bodies. And bequests, while supported by some, were nowhere near enough to provide a steady supply of bodies.
- The only other feasible alternative (dissecting those who die in prison) was not supported by the medical community as they wanted to remove the punishment stigma from dissection. I think Richardson's critiques of the Anatomy Act have to rest on this being the path not taken.
I get the sense, however, that Richardson thinks that bodies were overused and that much of the advance in medical knowledge could have been gleaned from more experienced anatomists performing fewer but more economical dissections (which might have made bequests an adequate source). While anatomical and medical knowledge might have increased at the same rate, I'm not sure surgery (no matter how horrifying and ineffectual at the time) would have progressed much if the number of bodies were restricted.
I read the first edition, which does not include a later afterword she wrote relating this work to organ donations. Maybe I'll come across it and add to the review later.
**Addendum**
I recently read the afterword that is included in the second edition. This is Richardson's attempt to connect her work on corpses to the current state of organ transplantation. She makes the case for transplants as another example in which the poor are harmed to benefit the rich. In some cases, this is certainly true, but her claim that the majority of transplant tissue in circulation has been illegally obtained just doesn't pass the smell test. She rightly chides doctors who have harvested tissues and organs from those bodies undergoing autopsies without the consent of the survivors, but she doesn't (and can't) give us an indication of how widespread the practice is (keep in mind the afterword was published in 2001 and the events she described occurred in the early 1990s).
She also rails on any kind of presumed consent and speaks of it as if those people under that type of regime will just have their organs harvested willy nilly when they die. This is far from the case as the number of deceased organ donors is 2 to 3 orders of magnitude smaller than the number of deceased in the countries with a system of presumed consent. In the same vein, she wags her finger at presumed consent of unclaimed bodies in the US. She does discuss how problematic this term (and how the definition was put into action) in the 1800s in England. I'm not quite sure how relevant those critiques are in the modern day system (given how much easier it is to locate family of deceased). So if there is someone who is unclaimed in the US and their dead body can lead to 10 life-saving surgeries and dozens more life-improving surgeries, I say harvest those organs. We should respect the wishes of the deceased and (lacking any knowledge of their preferences) the deceased's family, but we should also not let superstition and taboo hinder life-saving work that can be done.
Another critique she gives is the money organ distributors (companies that allocate the organs) make off of this "natural resource" (as this tissue is called in the 1984 US transplant law). She suggests that (like in the 1820s and 1830s) the problem is too much commodification. What seems to be the case is not too much, but too little commodification. The Anatomy Act and modern day transplant laws foreclose any possibility of the donor making any money off of her donation but explicitly allow other entities to profit from it. She fails to note that the only country in the world that does not have a death-inducing wait list for kidneys is Iran, which allows for donor compensation. For those interested in the topic, I highly recommend James Stacey Taylor's book Stakes and Kidneys (a robust defense for why people should at least support a regulated organ market) and (for a more skeptical take) Cohen's Patients with Passports has a few chapters on the issue.
Even though this afterword is week on content and analysis, I still highly recommend the book for all the reasons listed above.