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No Mexicans, Women, or Dogs Allowed: The Rise of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement
Founded by Mexican American men in 1929, the League of United Latin-American Citizens (LULAC) has usually been judged according to Chicano nationalist standards of the late 1960s and 1970s. Drawing on extensive archival research, including the personal papers of Alonso S. Perales and Adela Sloss-Vento, No Mexicans, Women, or Dogs Allowed presents the history of LULAC in a new light, restoring its early twentieth-century context.
Cynthia Orozco also provides evidence that perceptions of LULAC as a petite bourgeoisie, assimilationist, conservative, anti-Mexican, anti-working class organization belie the realities of the group's early activism. Supplemented by oral history, this sweeping study probes LULAC's predecessors, such as the Order Sons of America, blending historiography and cultural studies. Against a backdrop of the Mexican Revolution, World War I, gender discrimination, and racial segregation, No Mexicans, Women, or Dogs Allowed recasts LULAC at the forefront of civil rights movements in America.
Cynthia Orozco also provides evidence that perceptions of LULAC as a petite bourgeoisie, assimilationist, conservative, anti-Mexican, anti-working class organization belie the realities of the group's early activism. Supplemented by oral history, this sweeping study probes LULAC's predecessors, such as the Order Sons of America, blending historiography and cultural studies. Against a backdrop of the Mexican Revolution, World War I, gender discrimination, and racial segregation, No Mexicans, Women, or Dogs Allowed recasts LULAC at the forefront of civil rights movements in America.
330 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2009
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Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews
September 11, 2014
I chose this book to fulfill a book review assignment for my class on Mexican-American studies. The review I turned in is as follows:
In No Mexicans, Women, or Dogs Allowed Cynthia E. Orozco explores the origins of the oldest organization in the US dedicated to Mexican American Civil Rights. The author sets out not only to document their rise as a civil rights organization but also to examine this rise within the historical context of the Mexican civil rights movement of Texas in the 1920s. She proposes that her work differs from other analyses in that previous literature on the topic has focused mainly on how well LULAC’s principles stand up against the Chicano movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Orozco claims that much of the negativity towards LULAC’s assimilatory nature is unfair when examined within the time frame of the early 20th century.
The author gives an in-depth examination of the origins of LULAC and gives a solid history in the process. Orozco uses multiple primary sources such as census data, newspaper articles and even draws from the minutes of early organization meetings. She introduces chapter 4, Founding Fathers, by explaining her use of “manuscripts, autobiographies, correspondence, essays, books, newspapers, newsletters, and oral histories.” (93) She also conducts interviews with several of the organization’s founding fathers to provide interesting first-hand accounts throughout the book. In chapter 5, she uses the recollections from one of these founders to shed some light on the mass walkouts among Mexican nationals at the Harlingen convention of 1927. (125-126) The importance of this convention cannot be overstated and, for this reason, first-hand accounts like these are indispensable to understanding people’s thought process at the time. Employing all of these different sources allows Orozco to put together a coherent and detailed history of not just the formation of LULAC but also a broader history of the Rio Grande Valley region.
While her thorough history of the organization is definitely one the book’s strong points it also serves as somewhat of a weakness. When presenting a historical analysis it is undoubtedly better to provide more detail than less but even this rule of thumb assumes the author maintain a boundary of reason. For example, in one instance Orozco goes so deep into detail that while describing a barbecue fundraiser that drew guests from all over south Texas she goes as far as to state “Sarah and Jessica Farias prepared salads.” (86) The overall substance of the paragraph appears to be conveying the beginnings of solidarity amongst members which, within the context of the broader narrative, is significant but it is hard to imagine that even the most ardent history enthusiast wants to know who, in particular, made what food and at what event.
Additionally, while in most cases run-in quotes are warmly received by discerning readers, Orozco finds ways to include wholly unnecessary quotes that do little to nothing to enhance her statement. This would not be so noticeable did it not occur so frequently. Just one example occurs in her description of one early LULAC president. She begins in her own words by explaining, “He attended the Harlingen convention of 1927” but then concludes her sentence with a newspaper quote stating that “from there on he labored continuously for the union of all three organizations.” (101) Used as an adjunct, a quote can enrich the text by providing supporting evidence in addition to the author’s own words. Here, however, this source serves more to confuse the reader as to the three organizations being alluded to, as more than three are mentioned in the previous sentence, but more importantly the quote seems fairly unnecessary. Hearing that someone worked for a number of organizations is not so unbelievable that it warrants a direct quote and especially not one so incongruent with the preceding information. This could certainly be construed as mere nit-picking if not for the fact that, again, it happens on none too rare an occasion throughout the entirety of the book.
This is certainly not to say that these are major flaws. In fact, on the whole the book is an extremely readable account on the history of LULAC, and more than that, it is an informative depiction on the legacies of South Texas. While this reviewer is relatively new to the area, it is still particularly rewarding to learn more about the history of a region so deeply involved in the founding of a movement that now enjoys national recognition. The book is divided into three parts and much of part one, Society and Ideology, is spent addressing “the social, demographic, and economic development of South Texas and the status of the Mexican-origin community.” (18) In some cases referencing events dating back to the 19th century, the author surveys the conditions that fostered a civil rights movement at all.
In terms of setting out to chronicle the history of LULAC and all of the notable factions acting as harbingers to its founding, Orozco is immensely successful. She provides a well-structured and readable narrative backed by sound research. She is somewhat less successful, however, in her mission to serve as an apologist for LULAC against Chicano grievances. She claims that Chicano writers have “failed to address LULAC within the context of the 1920s,” adding that “historians abhorred what they thought the league represented—middle-class interests, assimilation, and political accommodation.” (2) Her claim is that attacks upon LULAC come at the expense of proper context but she fails to make a convincing argument. Quoting LULAC’s own words, Orozco describes the organizations original purpose as to “develop within the members of our race the best, purest, and most perfect type of a true and loyal citizen of the United States.” (2) Surely the author recognizes that this statement simultaneously achieves the goal of both exclusion and capitulation all in one fell swoop. Moreover, the time period does not negate the fact that many Mexicans would receive no benefit from the formation of LULAC and no amount of contextual justification really excuses that.
This should not be taken as a condemnation of the organization or the author, however. This reviewer merely seeks to point out that the Chicano nationalist charges are not necessarily wrong. In her Introduction she cites a quote from political scientist Armando Navarro that describes LULAC members as organizing “petite-bourgeoisie patriotic service clubs dedicated to assimilation into the Anglo culture.” (3) This succinct quote appears accurate enough as Orozco provides little evidence for the reader to believe otherwise and, in any case, this is by no means something for which Orozco needs to rationalize. It is simply the nature of movements. If the Chicano nationalist movement represents the Marcus Garvey or Malcom X of Mexican-American history, LULAC occupies the role of Martin Luther King, Jr. This is still a fairly respectable place to sit within the annals of sociocultural events. The author need not go on the defensive.
In short, the history is effective but the excuses are not. It is true that, by contrasting the tensions between Mexican-Americans with that of more recent immigrants, she is able to illuminate the reasons behind early organizations’ contradictory attempts at Americanization. However, while she attempts to provide an “alternate framework” for understanding the catalyst behind the organizations’ founding, and the members’ sometimes antagonistic motivations, this attempt is less than convincing. However, the back story here is still immensely fascinating. If nothing else this is a worthwhile read simply for the historical chronicles of one of our country’s leading civil rights organizations. Moreover, for anyone living in South Texas, this book provides the reader with valuable insight into the heritage and history of a region steeped in so much multiculturalism.
In No Mexicans, Women, or Dogs Allowed Cynthia E. Orozco explores the origins of the oldest organization in the US dedicated to Mexican American Civil Rights. The author sets out not only to document their rise as a civil rights organization but also to examine this rise within the historical context of the Mexican civil rights movement of Texas in the 1920s. She proposes that her work differs from other analyses in that previous literature on the topic has focused mainly on how well LULAC’s principles stand up against the Chicano movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Orozco claims that much of the negativity towards LULAC’s assimilatory nature is unfair when examined within the time frame of the early 20th century.
The author gives an in-depth examination of the origins of LULAC and gives a solid history in the process. Orozco uses multiple primary sources such as census data, newspaper articles and even draws from the minutes of early organization meetings. She introduces chapter 4, Founding Fathers, by explaining her use of “manuscripts, autobiographies, correspondence, essays, books, newspapers, newsletters, and oral histories.” (93) She also conducts interviews with several of the organization’s founding fathers to provide interesting first-hand accounts throughout the book. In chapter 5, she uses the recollections from one of these founders to shed some light on the mass walkouts among Mexican nationals at the Harlingen convention of 1927. (125-126) The importance of this convention cannot be overstated and, for this reason, first-hand accounts like these are indispensable to understanding people’s thought process at the time. Employing all of these different sources allows Orozco to put together a coherent and detailed history of not just the formation of LULAC but also a broader history of the Rio Grande Valley region.
While her thorough history of the organization is definitely one the book’s strong points it also serves as somewhat of a weakness. When presenting a historical analysis it is undoubtedly better to provide more detail than less but even this rule of thumb assumes the author maintain a boundary of reason. For example, in one instance Orozco goes so deep into detail that while describing a barbecue fundraiser that drew guests from all over south Texas she goes as far as to state “Sarah and Jessica Farias prepared salads.” (86) The overall substance of the paragraph appears to be conveying the beginnings of solidarity amongst members which, within the context of the broader narrative, is significant but it is hard to imagine that even the most ardent history enthusiast wants to know who, in particular, made what food and at what event.
Additionally, while in most cases run-in quotes are warmly received by discerning readers, Orozco finds ways to include wholly unnecessary quotes that do little to nothing to enhance her statement. This would not be so noticeable did it not occur so frequently. Just one example occurs in her description of one early LULAC president. She begins in her own words by explaining, “He attended the Harlingen convention of 1927” but then concludes her sentence with a newspaper quote stating that “from there on he labored continuously for the union of all three organizations.” (101) Used as an adjunct, a quote can enrich the text by providing supporting evidence in addition to the author’s own words. Here, however, this source serves more to confuse the reader as to the three organizations being alluded to, as more than three are mentioned in the previous sentence, but more importantly the quote seems fairly unnecessary. Hearing that someone worked for a number of organizations is not so unbelievable that it warrants a direct quote and especially not one so incongruent with the preceding information. This could certainly be construed as mere nit-picking if not for the fact that, again, it happens on none too rare an occasion throughout the entirety of the book.
This is certainly not to say that these are major flaws. In fact, on the whole the book is an extremely readable account on the history of LULAC, and more than that, it is an informative depiction on the legacies of South Texas. While this reviewer is relatively new to the area, it is still particularly rewarding to learn more about the history of a region so deeply involved in the founding of a movement that now enjoys national recognition. The book is divided into three parts and much of part one, Society and Ideology, is spent addressing “the social, demographic, and economic development of South Texas and the status of the Mexican-origin community.” (18) In some cases referencing events dating back to the 19th century, the author surveys the conditions that fostered a civil rights movement at all.
In terms of setting out to chronicle the history of LULAC and all of the notable factions acting as harbingers to its founding, Orozco is immensely successful. She provides a well-structured and readable narrative backed by sound research. She is somewhat less successful, however, in her mission to serve as an apologist for LULAC against Chicano grievances. She claims that Chicano writers have “failed to address LULAC within the context of the 1920s,” adding that “historians abhorred what they thought the league represented—middle-class interests, assimilation, and political accommodation.” (2) Her claim is that attacks upon LULAC come at the expense of proper context but she fails to make a convincing argument. Quoting LULAC’s own words, Orozco describes the organizations original purpose as to “develop within the members of our race the best, purest, and most perfect type of a true and loyal citizen of the United States.” (2) Surely the author recognizes that this statement simultaneously achieves the goal of both exclusion and capitulation all in one fell swoop. Moreover, the time period does not negate the fact that many Mexicans would receive no benefit from the formation of LULAC and no amount of contextual justification really excuses that.
This should not be taken as a condemnation of the organization or the author, however. This reviewer merely seeks to point out that the Chicano nationalist charges are not necessarily wrong. In her Introduction she cites a quote from political scientist Armando Navarro that describes LULAC members as organizing “petite-bourgeoisie patriotic service clubs dedicated to assimilation into the Anglo culture.” (3) This succinct quote appears accurate enough as Orozco provides little evidence for the reader to believe otherwise and, in any case, this is by no means something for which Orozco needs to rationalize. It is simply the nature of movements. If the Chicano nationalist movement represents the Marcus Garvey or Malcom X of Mexican-American history, LULAC occupies the role of Martin Luther King, Jr. This is still a fairly respectable place to sit within the annals of sociocultural events. The author need not go on the defensive.
In short, the history is effective but the excuses are not. It is true that, by contrasting the tensions between Mexican-Americans with that of more recent immigrants, she is able to illuminate the reasons behind early organizations’ contradictory attempts at Americanization. However, while she attempts to provide an “alternate framework” for understanding the catalyst behind the organizations’ founding, and the members’ sometimes antagonistic motivations, this attempt is less than convincing. However, the back story here is still immensely fascinating. If nothing else this is a worthwhile read simply for the historical chronicles of one of our country’s leading civil rights organizations. Moreover, for anyone living in South Texas, this book provides the reader with valuable insight into the heritage and history of a region steeped in so much multiculturalism.
May 14, 2024
I met the author, Dr. Orozco, when she attended a meeting in Wharton, TX. She and others with LULAC have been working with a local non-profit organization trying to save an historic elementary school from either destruction or turning into rent-subsidized housing.
This campus is one of 9 schools in Texas that housed a special program to assist children coming from Spanish-only speaking families to learn basic English. The program was called the Little School of the 400. Our elementary school is the only one of the 9 that remained an educational facility. The integration of Mexican Americans into the Anglo schools in Texas originated with this program and ultimately led to the Head Start program established in the 1960s. LULAC played a huge role in this transformation of Texas public schools.
I wanted to know more about the origin of LULAC and this book does that.
This campus is one of 9 schools in Texas that housed a special program to assist children coming from Spanish-only speaking families to learn basic English. The program was called the Little School of the 400. Our elementary school is the only one of the 9 that remained an educational facility. The integration of Mexican Americans into the Anglo schools in Texas originated with this program and ultimately led to the Head Start program established in the 1960s. LULAC played a huge role in this transformation of Texas public schools.
I wanted to know more about the origin of LULAC and this book does that.
Currently Reading
August 31, 2012Very informative, all of us young latina/latino's should know our history in South Texas.
November 21, 2018
An interesting and exhaustively researched account of the beginnings of the Mexican American civil rights movement in south Texas. Orozco argues that this movement had its beginnings in the 1910s and 1920s (it is generally credited as arising in the 1930s, apparently) and she seems to make a good argument for this. As far as I can tell, anyway - this isn't an area I have any knowledge in, so I came to the book as a blank slate. Nevertheless I was convinced, as she very carefully sources and traces both the individuals and organisations involved. It does at times get a little bit repetitive, and in places there was acronym overload, but on the whole it was a readable account.
Most interesting was the ongoing conflict between various identities - what Orozco referred to as "hybridity" - and how this affected the composition and goals of the movement. Tensions (and loyalties) existed between Mexicans, Mexican Americans, European Americans, Latin Americans and more, and what this meant for definitions of belonging - of citizenship, of nationality - can make for compelling reading. It's very easy to see the difficulties people must have had navigating through this network of multiple (often competing) cultures, and the strategies they developed to cope with this comprised the bulk of the book.
I do think, however, that the title is a bit of a misnomer. I came to read this book because it was on a list of feminist writing that I'm working my way through, and though there is one chapter dedicated to the role of women, and a minor throughline on that subject in the rest of the book, I'm not sure it merits title status.
Most interesting was the ongoing conflict between various identities - what Orozco referred to as "hybridity" - and how this affected the composition and goals of the movement. Tensions (and loyalties) existed between Mexicans, Mexican Americans, European Americans, Latin Americans and more, and what this meant for definitions of belonging - of citizenship, of nationality - can make for compelling reading. It's very easy to see the difficulties people must have had navigating through this network of multiple (often competing) cultures, and the strategies they developed to cope with this comprised the bulk of the book.
I do think, however, that the title is a bit of a misnomer. I came to read this book because it was on a list of feminist writing that I'm working my way through, and though there is one chapter dedicated to the role of women, and a minor throughline on that subject in the rest of the book, I'm not sure it merits title status.
October 18, 2023
Thank you, Kelly Richter, for this amazing Christmas present! I highly recommend.
Orozco provides a detailed factual timeline of the rise of the League of United Latin American Citizens in South Texas. From the Treaty of Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo to post World War II, this book tracks the development of the Mexican-American civil rights movement. Specifically, those of “Mexican extraction” in South Texas.
I highly recommend this book for those interested in learning more about South Texas Hispano history and the cultural development of the term “Mexican-American.”
Orozco provides a detailed factual timeline of the rise of the League of United Latin American Citizens in South Texas. From the Treaty of Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo to post World War II, this book tracks the development of the Mexican-American civil rights movement. Specifically, those of “Mexican extraction” in South Texas.
I highly recommend this book for those interested in learning more about South Texas Hispano history and the cultural development of the term “Mexican-American.”
January 10, 2019
Very important and expertly researched book on LULAC, or what she convincingly argues, is a "civil rights movement." Definitely made me re-think my perception of LULAC and social movements in general.
February 11, 2023
Super informative!
April 17, 2017
food for thought...
Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews