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IQ and Global Inequality
From the We address the following questions. First, in Chapter 1, we review the major theories of economic growth that have been developed since this problem was considered by Charles de Montesquieu and Adam Smith in the eighteenth century and introduce the 192 countries of this study. In Chapter 2 we define and describe what is meant by intelligence. In Chapter 3, we summarise work showing that intelligence is a determinant of incomes and related phenomena (educational attainment and socio-economic status) among individuals in a number of countries; this is the basis of our theory that the intelligence of national populations is likely to be a determinant of per capita incomes among nations. Chapter 4 describes how we have collected and quantified the IQs of nations and presents new IQ data for a further 32 nations. This brings the total number of nations for which we have measured IQs to 113. In addition, national IQs are estimated for 79 other countries so that we have IQs for all countries with populations of more than 40,000. In Chapter 5, five measures of the quality of human conditions and their composite index (QHC) are introduced as well as 12 alternative variables that measure human conditions from different perspectives. In Chapter 6, the hypothesis on the positive relationship between national IQ and the quality of human conditions is tested by empirical evidence on PPP GNI (Gross National Income at Purchasing Power Parity) per capita in 2002, adult literacy rate in 2002, tertiary enrollment ratio, life expectancy at birth in 2002, and the level of democratization in 2002. Chapter 7 focuses on the relationship between national IQ and the composite index of the quality of human conditions (QHC) The results are analyzed at the level of single countries on the basis of regression analyses. The results are checked by exploring the impact of latitude and annual mean temperature on human conditions through national IQ. Chapter 8 shows that national
442 pages, Hardcover
First published November 10, 2006
171 people want to read
About the author
Richard Lynn
47 books86 followersBritish Professor Emeritus of Psychology, who is known for his views on racial and ethnic differences.
Lynn was educated at Cambridge University. He has worked as lecturer in psychology at the University of Exeter, and as professor of psychology at the Economic and Social Research Institute, Dublin, and at the University of Ulster at Coleraine.
Most of his books are about the differences of IQ between different etnicities.
Lynn was educated at Cambridge University. He has worked as lecturer in psychology at the University of Exeter, and as professor of psychology at the Economic and Social Research Institute, Dublin, and at the University of Ulster at Coleraine.
Most of his books are about the differences of IQ between different etnicities.
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Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews
September 15, 2021
This is the follow-up to the popular 2002 book by the same authors (IQ and the Wealth of Nations). The authors in this book compiled new IQ results for some 30 more countries. These show the method used in the prior name to estimate IQs for countries where no studies were found is highly valid: r = .91 between estimated and new IQs. This is actually too low because the new IQs have some measurement error as well (the neighbors too). This is in fact just a consequence of the high spatial autocorrelation for countries for pretty much any variable.
The authors show that these scores relate positively to pretty much everything good measured between countries, except for happiness. Since this 2006 book, there was a further update in 2012 (Intelligence: A Unifying Construct for the Social Sciences) and in 2019 with David Becker (Vanhanen died in 2012): The Intelligence of Nations Paperback.
The book itself is very boringly written. The reader will find himself skimming the endless lists of residuals. I don't know why they put that stuff. The actual econometric and causal analyses are very simple, as the authors are quite old. The data however are quite solid, and should be used more by economists.
The authors show that these scores relate positively to pretty much everything good measured between countries, except for happiness. Since this 2006 book, there was a further update in 2012 (Intelligence: A Unifying Construct for the Social Sciences) and in 2019 with David Becker (Vanhanen died in 2012): The Intelligence of Nations Paperback.
The book itself is very boringly written. The reader will find himself skimming the endless lists of residuals. I don't know why they put that stuff. The actual econometric and causal analyses are very simple, as the authors are quite old. The data however are quite solid, and should be used more by economists.
November 15, 2015
It was a nice summary of statistical analysis of intelligence and various different economic outcome, but the conclusion was that intelligence alone can determine the economic progress of a given country, while ignoring confounding factor such as culture, economic literacy or dominant philosophy.
April 20, 2011
(Co-authored by Albert Somit and Steven Peterson)
IQ and Global Inequality is a sequel to the authors' earlier IQ and the Wealth of Nations wherein they argued that "...national differences in intelligence are an important factor contributing to differences in national wealth and rates of economic growth" (p.2). Lynn and Vanhanen here turn their attention from wealth to national differences in development and to differing levels of national economic, social and political achievement (And we have spoken ourselves of the role of evolution in political achievement, specifically the development of democracy. See, for instance, our "The Failure of Democratic Nation Building").
They have also expanded the scope of the study: In 2002, they gave "measured IQ" for 81 nations, they now offer measured IQ for 113 countries and "estimated" IQ for another 79; the number of countries for which development data are presented has also been increased, from 185 in 2002 to 192 in 2006. The basic findings, however, remain unchanged: As the authors staunchly reaffirm in their final conclusion, "...the major cause of global inequalities can be traced to the diversity of human aptitudes and especially to significant differences in the mental abilities of nations measured by national IQ" (p. 275). In short, that the difference in intelligence between the populations of affluent and of impoverished nations is a major - but not the only - cause of that economic inequality. Put even more bluntly, that nations differ in wealth in large part because their populations differ in intelligence. This book, we can safely predict, will receive a mixed reception. However, we commend the authors for their intellectual courage and for their genuine effort to establish the statistical relationships that they theorize, using real data.
Their first task is to present data showing that intelligence is heritable, and here they rely heavily, though not entirely, on studies of twins conducted in a near dozen countries. They then present several nation-by-nation studies indicating, respectively, that income, educational attainment, and social status are also heritable. Since "...intelligence, earnings, educational attainment, and socioeconomic status all have moderate to high heritabilities within nations," they feel safely in concluding that "... intelligence and earnings have at least a moderate heritability between nations" (pp. 235-236).
Why do nations differ from one another in these respects? Messrs. Lynn and Vanhanen leap from the frying pan into the fire -"The genetic basis for national differences in intelligence lies in the racial identity of the populations" (p.236). Drawing heavily on published research by Prof. Lynn, they present (and discuss at some length) 9 tables dealing with "The intelligence of nations categorized by race "(p. 238), the "National IQs in Latin America and the Caribbean predicted from racial composition of the population," (p. 241), and (and we would say needlessly) "Race differences in brain size (cc) and intelligence"(p. 243).
In all fairness, we should promptly add, the authors end their discussion of racial differences by reminding the reader that, as noted above, they "... also believe that environmental factors (for instance, `sub-optimal nutrition and poor health') contribute to the national differences in intelligence"
"National differences in intelligence," the authors insist, "are an important factor contributing to differences in national wealth and rates of economic growth." Have the authors made a plausible case? That, the reader must judge for him or herself.
In conclusion, though, we should mention one issue not really addressed in the book. As we have recently seen, some nations -- the "Asian Tigers" immediately come to mind -- have achieved truly striking gains in national wealth within the course of little more than a single generation. Given the authors' contention that national IQ is heritable and their basic thesis that "... national IQ is the most powerful explanatory variable. . .in accounting for differences in national wealth. . .," how, then, would they explain this phenomenon? That explanation, too, may have significant policy implications.
IQ and Global Inequality is a sequel to the authors' earlier IQ and the Wealth of Nations wherein they argued that "...national differences in intelligence are an important factor contributing to differences in national wealth and rates of economic growth" (p.2). Lynn and Vanhanen here turn their attention from wealth to national differences in development and to differing levels of national economic, social and political achievement (And we have spoken ourselves of the role of evolution in political achievement, specifically the development of democracy. See, for instance, our "The Failure of Democratic Nation Building").
They have also expanded the scope of the study: In 2002, they gave "measured IQ" for 81 nations, they now offer measured IQ for 113 countries and "estimated" IQ for another 79; the number of countries for which development data are presented has also been increased, from 185 in 2002 to 192 in 2006. The basic findings, however, remain unchanged: As the authors staunchly reaffirm in their final conclusion, "...the major cause of global inequalities can be traced to the diversity of human aptitudes and especially to significant differences in the mental abilities of nations measured by national IQ" (p. 275). In short, that the difference in intelligence between the populations of affluent and of impoverished nations is a major - but not the only - cause of that economic inequality. Put even more bluntly, that nations differ in wealth in large part because their populations differ in intelligence. This book, we can safely predict, will receive a mixed reception. However, we commend the authors for their intellectual courage and for their genuine effort to establish the statistical relationships that they theorize, using real data.
Their first task is to present data showing that intelligence is heritable, and here they rely heavily, though not entirely, on studies of twins conducted in a near dozen countries. They then present several nation-by-nation studies indicating, respectively, that income, educational attainment, and social status are also heritable. Since "...intelligence, earnings, educational attainment, and socioeconomic status all have moderate to high heritabilities within nations," they feel safely in concluding that "... intelligence and earnings have at least a moderate heritability between nations" (pp. 235-236).
Why do nations differ from one another in these respects? Messrs. Lynn and Vanhanen leap from the frying pan into the fire -"The genetic basis for national differences in intelligence lies in the racial identity of the populations" (p.236). Drawing heavily on published research by Prof. Lynn, they present (and discuss at some length) 9 tables dealing with "The intelligence of nations categorized by race "(p. 238), the "National IQs in Latin America and the Caribbean predicted from racial composition of the population," (p. 241), and (and we would say needlessly) "Race differences in brain size (cc) and intelligence"(p. 243).
In all fairness, we should promptly add, the authors end their discussion of racial differences by reminding the reader that, as noted above, they "... also believe that environmental factors (for instance, `sub-optimal nutrition and poor health') contribute to the national differences in intelligence"
"National differences in intelligence," the authors insist, "are an important factor contributing to differences in national wealth and rates of economic growth." Have the authors made a plausible case? That, the reader must judge for him or herself.
In conclusion, though, we should mention one issue not really addressed in the book. As we have recently seen, some nations -- the "Asian Tigers" immediately come to mind -- have achieved truly striking gains in national wealth within the course of little more than a single generation. Given the authors' contention that national IQ is heritable and their basic thesis that "... national IQ is the most powerful explanatory variable. . .in accounting for differences in national wealth. . .," how, then, would they explain this phenomenon? That explanation, too, may have significant policy implications.
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews