Echols' look at the 1970s and the rise and fall of disco is a beautifully nuanced study of 1970s culture. Looking at the relationships between music, culture, identity and how it impacted previously oppressed communities she shows how disco and discos created places for new identities. She shows how dancing was transformative not only for individuals but for subcultures who came together through the music and dancing to transform the world they lived in.
"Disco's influence extended beyond the realm of popular music. The 1970s are associated with identity politics, but they ere also a time when numbers of gay men, African Americans, and women ditched predictable social scripts. Disco played a central role in this process, which broadened the counters of blackness, femininity, and male homosexuality." xxiv-xxv
"Hot Stuff: Disco and the Remaking of American Culture is an interpretative rather than a comprehensive history, one that focuses on these very shifts in identity and representation and the debates they triggered." xxv
"Disco did favour the synthetic over the organic, the cut-up over the whole, the producer over the artist, and the record over live performance. And if you believed that authentic soul music was raw and unpolished, then disco's preference for silky sophistication was further evidence of its inauthenticity." 10
"The Philly sound was a take-off of Motown, only more sophisticated," says Vince Montana, vibraphonist of MFSB, the house band of PIR." 15
"African American studies scholar Mark Anthony Neal also viewed the seventies as a time of "deterioration," when blackness was reduced to a commodity, and black middle-class flight from the inner city intensified the decline of black public life. And Brian Ward argued that with the rise of disco and funk, black Americans "were dancing to keep from crying." 28
"More often than not the Broadway musical presumed "a depressive status qui" best tackled through steely persistence and a cherry denial of suffering. In the way it veered between "some version of hellish and some version of swellish," the musical seemed to replicate gay life in these years. And while disco served up plenty of songs of romantic sorrow, it fashioned itself as the new sweetish status quo in which injury and solitude were banished and the principle of sybaritic soreness ruled." 41
"The contrast between the shadowy, almost quarantined quality of homosexual culture in the years before disco and its in-your-face visibility at the height of mirror-ball mania has sometimes encouraged the view that gay liberation and disco moved-or better still-danced-hand in hand. While the relationship between "going out and coming out" (an between consumer capitalism and gay liberation) was deep and reciprocal, it was not untroubled." 41
"One of the many young street queens who frequented the Stonewall contends that the unrestrained dancing there fostered the "articulation" of gay sexual desire." 46-47
"Shifts in consciousness are devilishly difficult to map, not the least in this case where change was more a matter of conjunction that straight-forward cause-and-effect." It is even possible to disaggregate dancing from protesting when dancing itself constituted a kind of protest and entailed its own alterations of identity and subjectivity?" 51
"The Stonewall riot and the fallout from it had the effect of legitimizing gay space. Bathhouses and discos, rather than meeting halls or community centres, became what journalist Andrew Kopkind called the "sensational glue" holding these communities together." 53
"Denied the opportunity of uninterrupted dancing with other men, gay men took to the disco like a drug. Nonstop music was central to the "throbbing lights, the engulfing sound, the heightened energy, and the hyberbolic heat," which together created what gay journalist Andrew Kopkind described as the feeling that "the world is enclosed in this hall, that there is only now, in this place and time." From the beginning, discos fostered the feeling of being in a "timeless, mindless state." 57
"Literary critic Walter Hughes pushed this analysis further, arguing that in allowing the insistent, penetrative disco beat to become a part of them, gay men "disturbed the very foundations of conventional constructions of masculine selfhood." For Hughes, disco, with its "seemingly endless cycles and plateaus," evoked the open-endedness and fluidity of the female orgasm. Disco was the music of "jouissance"-blissful pleasure." 75
"Nonetheless, disco foregrounded female desire to a far greater extent than rock music." 79
"Moreover, by 1977 there was no escaping the fact that disco and funk were diverging, with the former becoming more of woman's genre and the latter more of a man's." 104
"As glitzy and futuristic as disco was, it also seemed a throwback to the days when plastic ruled. By the time of "Love to Love You Baby," America was awash in fifties' nostalgia, jump-started by the Carpenters, George Lucas's American Graffity, and the TV series Happy Days." 111
"At the time, gay writer and activist Douglas Crimp tried to make sense of what he was seeing on the dance floors of gay New York. It looked to him as though gay men were developing identical bodies fashioned for a specific activity. At first he though they were designed for particularly athletic sex, but then it dawned on him: "These bodies have been made into dancing machines." 121
"it would be easy enough to treat gay macho as nothing more than a matter of shifting fashions. But embedded in this macho turn were changes in gay men's identity and subjectivity. Gays not presented themselves differently, they regarded themselves differently, searched out unfamiliar sorts of sexual partners, and expanded their sexual repertoire...While gay macho was facilitated by the recent introduction of Nautilus machines, its causes lay elsewhere-in gay liberation and in disco." 123
"By mid 1965, it would seem, the "college boy" look of chinos and button-down Oxford shirt was starting to lose ground to jeans and leather." 125
"Now gay men rather than heterosexual men became the embodiment of masculinity and the fantasized object of desire for each other." 127
"Although gentrification, parochial clannishness, and racism doubtless figured in the desire of some white gay men for a space of their own, it's also possible that the thrill of discovering one's own kind attractive played a role in the racial compartmentalizing of gay disco." 127
"The sexual geography of Fire Island, where the funky and unfashionably campy Cherry Grove was but a fifteen-minute walk from the glamorous, macho-man Pines, made for a palpable tension between the two communities. Cherry Grove may have boasted the Ice Palace, the first discotheque on the island (and some would argue in all of New York), but the Sandpiper in the trendier Pines had supplanted it. So had the Pines' butch style which to older Grovers seemed both "ridiculous and a sham." 128
"It's no accident that by 1979 some gays, including longtime gay activist Harry Hay, tired of the new gay masculinization, were coming together as "Radical Faeries" to reclaim their effeminacy." 132-133
"Kleinberg was no fan of gay macho, but he admitted that it seemed to have achieved the decoupling of effeminacy and sexual passivity. Even very butch-looking men take the "passive" role, he noted, and the only way to discern a gay man's sexual tastes is from the handkerchiefs and key chains that hang from his back pocket." 134
"Sylvester...Bruce Villanch described as a "Vegas showgirl version of a voodoo priest." 141
"The macho turn was also inseparable from gay liberation, which challenged the dominant culture's pathologizing of homosexuality, and from disco culture, where gym-built bodies ruled and sexual assertiveness reigned." 155
"Disco's global potential reportedly struck him (Stigwood) in January 1976, when he traveled on the maiden voyage of the Concorde from Paris to Rio." 161
"...Fever, he argued, "made disco safe for white, straight, male, young and middle-class America." 184
"Disco's conquest of America occurred against a backdrop of diminished possibilities. No longer able to count on cheap and bountiful energy, plentiful jobs, and military invincibility, Americans approached the indignities of the late Carter years with a kind of angry bewilderment." 202
"Certainly, for some Americans, the feeling of beleaguerment was compounded by the ways in which feminism, gay rights and civil rights were changing the national landscape. By the mid seventies a sizeable number of onetime liberals, dubbed neoconservatives, were joining together with longtime conservatives to mobilize "Middle America" against abortion rights, affirmative action, school busing, sex education, the Equal Rights Amendment, welfare, and "criminal coddling" civil liberties." 203-204
"In February 1980, Billboard reported that American radio had adopted a "virtual ban" on disco as a format." 209
"The consensus among historians and discographers is that the backlash against disco reflected anger and frustration with America's changing sexual and racial rules." 209
"Attacked for being both too gay and too straight, too black and too white, oversexed and asexual, leisure-class as well as leisure-suited (loser) class, disco represented anything but a stable signifier." 214