This work traces the changes in classical Marxism (the Marxism of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels) that took place after the death of its founders. It outlines the variants that appeared around the turn of the twentieth century―one of which was to be of influence among the followers of Adolf Hitler, another of which was to shape the ideology of Benito Mussolini, and still another of which provided the doctrinal rationale for V. I. Lenin's Bolshevism and Joseph Stalin's communism. This account differs from many others by rejecting a traditional left/right distinction―a distinction that makes it difficult to understand how totalitarian political institutions could arise out of presumably diametrically opposed political ideologies. Marxism, Fascism, and Totalitarianism thus helps to explain the common features of "left-wing" and "right-wing" regimes in the twentieth century.
Anthony James Gregor (April 2, 1929 – August 30, 2019) was a Professor of Political Science Emeritus at the University of California, Berkeley, well known for his research on fascism, Marxism, and national security.
Of a narrower focus than you expect from the title, this intermittently fascinating intellectual history offers a strong, if incomplete, account of the common origin of Bolshevism and Italian Fascism (Gregor hints, in one chapter, at a similar account for the Nazi party, but this is left undeveloped). Some of the obscure names and quarrels I recognize from Kolakowski's "Main Currents of Marxism", but ultimately I think the author didn't need to include some of that tangential minutiae.
Both Mussolini and Lenin came out of heterodox Marxist traditions, Mussolini through Sorel, the syndicalists, and some specifically Italian intellectual developments; Lenin being more sui generis. They exhibit an essentially homologous development, as their Marxist philosophies both adapt to political reality by emphasizing international, as opposed to class, conflict and exploitation, and elite theory over proletarian consciousness or economic development.
Strikingly, Mussolini comes across as a much more consistent and engaged thinker, whereas Lenin's claims to Marxist orthodoxy are merely run of the mill political hypocrisy. That said, it was immensely to the Soviet Union's advantage that its founder managed to maintain communist credibility. It's difficult but not impossible to imagine the enormous benefits Mussolini's Italy would have reaped if it could call upon the loyalty of the international communist movement in a similar way. It was, however, Lenin's subordination of intellectual consistency to political advantage that allowed him to enjoy the propaganda and material benefits of leading a "universalist" movement, while at the same time pursuing a nationalist political program that was ultimately more like Italian fascism than anything Marx (who would have had nothing but contempt for some underdeveloped Slavic nation's experiment in "utopian socialism") would have proposed.
A brilliant survey of the intellectual roots of the revolutionary radicalism in the voluminous and unsystematic writings of Marx and Engels, which underwent a variety of revisions in the hands of such thinkers as Woltmann, Sorel, Mussolini, Lenin, etc., to produce different systems of thought and practice affecting the history of the 20th century and effecting some of the worst catastrophes in human history.
This thorough account of the common intellectual roots of Bolshevism and Fascism (and, ultimately, National Socialism, though it is not examined in much detail, having developed somewhat later) and the resulting totalitarian statist political systems is a much-needed reminder of the past errors that continue to haunt the current times.
This book provides a pretty good overview of the history and evolution of Marxian political thought after the death of Marx and Engels. I liked Gregor's characterization of these different ideologies as Marxist heresies, as this period is somewhat reminiscent of early Christianity after the death of Christ when there was no one doctrine of Christianity but many competitive factions with different interpretations and answers to questions not provided by the founders. The main downside is that this book is quite dense and a bit difficult to get through. If you are like me and have no sympathies with any of these ideologies, then it is essentially a history of wrong ideas thought up by boring people.
Ótimo estudo sobre as origens do pensamento totalitário, seu desenvolvimento marxista e sua execução leninista e fascista, apontando suas semelhanças. Além disso o livro é muito bem argumentado e didático. Comecei ano passado, porém só terminei agora. Pretendo ler mais desses livros
Excellent treatment of the intellectual genealogy of fascism as “heretical Marxism.” He is intimately familiar with his subject, and there is no question about either his scholarship or research.
Thoroughly researched with tremendous analysis documenting the rise of Marxism and its evolution into national socialism-Fascism-and, ultimately, totalitarianism. Gregor is able to follow all of the developments in Marxist thought through the late 19th and early 20th century to show how very little Leninism and Stalinism reflected orthodox Marxist ideology. His treatment of the subject is certainly biased, but only because the results of totalitarianism in the 20th century have been utterly devastating. A lesson we should not forget.
This book provides a clever insight into how the heterodox interpretation and adherence to philosophical / political / ideological thought can result in almost predictable sets of bastardisations that are less abstracted than the demonisations that disenfranchise us from best addressing the serious consequences that may follow. Mapping a clear historical narrative of thought, making when it diverges and how it is adopted is of great importance.