In this study of regime change as a tool of foreign policy, Kinzer takes on a very interesting subject but really fails to make his case. Kinzer makes all the right choices in terms of subjects to make his case, but fails utterly to tie them together in any truly meaningful way. Further frustrating is Kinzer's poor grasp of history. He regularly claims that Hawaii was America's first foray into regime change which it was clearly not. Kinzer seems unaware of the misadventures of William Walker in Nicaragua, American intervention in Texas, and the American intervention in California prior to and druing the Mexican War. He also makes claims that the US has used regime change more than any other country, which excludes the imperialst adventures of Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, etc.
Overthrow" is an engrossing history of US "regime change", from the ouster of Hawaii's Queen Liliuokalani to the destruction of Saddam Hussein's government. The author weaves a fascinating tale of America's mostly sordid acts of interference in the affairs of foreign nations and the blowback they often engendered. However, although the author protests that he only wrote this book so our future interventions would be conducted more wisely, it would be hard to come away from this book not thinking that regime change is_always_immoral and deleterious to national interests, a point I would question. I think that this book suffers from a certain logical inconsistency and overly simplistic understanding. Rather than drawing one overriding lesson from our history of interventionism, I think the cases he examines are often so different as to defy comparison. Each case should be studied on its own and logical conclusions drawn from each.
Admittedly, American support for, and active participation in foreign regime change has, more often than not, been pretty ignoble, uninformed and frequently undertaken to benefit private corporations and individuals. Our record in Central America is particularly shameful. I sympathize with Mr. Kinzer's visceral opposition to regime change, and think the vast majority of Americans, of whatever political inclination, would agree that decapitating a sovereign, democratic government so that United Fruit could avoid paying taxes is not a wise, proper or moral use of American power. However, that does not mean that there will never be situations where American national interest might necessitate the overthrow of foreign governments, by intrigue if possible, by war if necessary. It also doesn't mean that regime changes whose motivations are impure and whose implementation is violent necessarily result in negative results for either America or the foreign nation in question. That's where this book's thesis falls apart.
For instance, during the Cold War, the United States and the rest of the free world faced an existential threat from the most murderous, aggressive, inhuman and tyrannical ideology in the history of man: Communism. If that insidious ideology, cloaked in the garb of an angel of light and promising paradise on earth, often tricked huge numbers of ignorant peasants and wool-headed "intellectuals" into supporting their own enslavement- such as in Chile- that was all the more reason to combat it with guns and bombs rather than pamphlets from the Young Americans for Freedom. Would Mr. Kinzer have preferred that we battle Communism expansionism with discussion and logic? In a life and death struggle, you play to win, not earn the respect of liberal journalists and the League of Women Voters. If we misjudged the actual threat from regimes in Iran and Guatemala, that's merely an argument to use our power more wisely, not to forfeit its use entirely. Another challenge to Mr. Kinzer's politics is that the sleazy machinations that resulted in the annexation of Hawaii and the disgusting war of conquest that brought us Puerto Rico ended up bringing undeniable material and political benefits to the natives of those countries, who are today quiet content to live under Yankee "imperialism" and would- and have- rejected independence when given the choice. While I wouldn't have supported either annexation, who's to say that the unintended consequences of leaving those islands alone wouldn't have been worse in the long run than what actually happened?
In my opinion, a few of the relevant lessons that can be learned from this history is that we should not allow paranoia and ignorance to conflate mere nationalism with the ideologies and international movements of our actual enemies. Being leftist or anti-American doesn't necessarily make you a Communist. Being Islamic or authoritarian doesn't necessarily make you al-Quaida. Secondly, different cultures, races and stages of political development call for different approaches. While extending the franchise to Puerto Rico and Hawaii generally pacified those conquered territories, true democracy in nations like Iraq or Egypt either results in anarchy or Islamic rule. Mankind wasn't made on an assembly line. And thirdly, as a democratic republic, we must be ever vigilant to elect leaders who are intelligent enough, and honest enough, not to let themselves be duped into foreign intervention for corporate greed (US agri-giants in Central America), because of media-induced hysteria (the Spanish war), or for foreign interests. A serious threat to the national interest or security of the U.S. must be the high and sole criterion for foreign intervention.
In the second chapter he goes on to say that the Philippines is the first time American soldiers fight overseas, again incorrect. I seem to remember Marines in Tripoli long before.
What had the potential to be a useful and enlightening book on US foreign policy is little more than a angry and historically inaccurate diatribe against the US and its foreign policy. Kinzer makes numerous misleading statements, uses quotes out of context, and assumes that all US foreign policy ventures are dictated by selfish economic interests in general and by corporate robberbarons specifically. Virtually all his villains are Republicans. Oddly, he puts Grover Cleveland on a pedestal as an anti-imperialist---the same guy who signed the Dawes Act into law that led to the loss of vast stretches of land owned by Native Americans.
Misinformation ( ridiculous, if not pathetically predictable):
pg. 276: Kinzer writes that "Bush ignored repeated warnings that devastating attacks [9/11] were imminent." First of all, the so-called "warning" was a presidential daily brief delivered by the CIA on August 6, 2001. Like most, if not all, intelligence it had no specific information about the WTC/Pentagon plots that could have decisively prevented them. And besides, the problems that prevented us from stopping 9/11 were FAR more complex and deeply rooted than Bush "ignoring" a "warning" from the CIA. What nonsense.
pg. 278: Kinzer complains that the 9/11 attacks would never have occurred if the US had not armed and and trained the mujahideen fighting the Soviets in Afghanistan. Again, Kinzer makes a predictable and over-simplified claim. The mujahideen of the 1980s were, for the most part, bent on driving the Soviets out of Afghanistan. Before the Gulf War in 1991 (after the Soviets left), bin Laden was not particularly concerned about America. Only when US troops were deployed to Saudi Arabia did bin Laden begin harboring hatred for the US. Kinzer fails to mention that, other than the US, the mujahideen received substantial support from Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. America was not the only country involved.
pg. 279: Kinzer complains that the CIA did nothing to save Abdul Haq from the Taliban during the war there in 2001, even claiming that the CIA did not dispatch armed Predator drones to Haq's location, EVEN THOUGH THE CIA DID. Huh!
In the end, Kinzer blames the failure to catch bin Laden on the Americans' "failure" to send in large numbers of conventional ground troops into Afghanistan, EVEN THOUGH THE SOVIETS TRIED THAT. And how succesful were the Soviets in trying this approach? Huh!!
Kinzer also claims that one of the reasons for the Iraq war was oil and the defense contractor Halliburton (formerly headed by Dick Cheney), which was awarded no-bid contracts for rebuilding oil refineries in Iraq. Kinzer, of course, predictably fails to mention that Cheney was actually forced to divest himself of his Halliburton stock when he became VP, and besides, all of the oil contracts in Iraq went to China and countries that didn't even participate in the invasion.