I feel genuinely enlightened after reading this book, as it clarified in a detailed and engaging way many of my questions about the French Revolution, while avoiding the superficiality typical of academic bourgeois histories. The role of the masses — which Lenin so rightly emphasized — is vividly brought to life in this masterpiece. It is fascinating to see how the pressure of the masses constantly influenced the direction of the Revolution, and especially how it acted upon the petty-bourgeois clubs.
“Those who have seen in the Revolution only a change in the Government, those who are ignorant of its economic as well as its educational work, those alone could put such a question. The France we see during the last days of the eighteenth century, at the moment of the coup d’état on the 18th Brumaire, is not the France that existed before 1789. Would it have been possible for the old France, wretchedly poor and with a third of her population suffering yearly from dearth, to have maintained the Napoleonic Wars, coming so soon after the terrible wars of the Republic between 1792 and 1799, when all Europe was attacking her? The fact is that a new France had been constituted since 1792–1793.”
“France fought so well for twenty-three years that, when she was compelled at last to admit the Bourbons, it was she who imposed conditions on them. The Bourbons might reign, but the lands were to be kept by those who had taken them from the feudal lords, so that even during the White Terror of the Bourbons they dared not touch those lands. The old régime could not be re-established.”
These two passages illustrate very well how the political counter-revolution in France was unable to restore feudal relations. Contrary to the common prejudice that the Revolution “accomplished nothing,” its economic gains were undeniable. It firmly established the capitalist mode of production, giving a tremendous impulse to the development of the productive forces.
However, this book is not without flaws. Kropotkin at times imposes his anarchist outlook too heavily on the events, seeing “anarchist-communism” wherever he can. There were, without doubt, communistic tendencies within the Revolution — as there have been since the dawn of class society. One need only recall that the first Christian sects practiced communism in consumption while rebelling against the decaying Roman Empire. But here lies the problem: in the last few chapters, Kropotkin claims that the socialism of the revolutionary era was more advanced than that of his own time (the late nineteenth century) because it focused on consumption — such as the abolition of speculation in food — whereas “modern scientific socialism” (clearly a polemic aimed at Marx and Engels) focuses too much on production.
Yet communism in consumption corresponds to the emergency measures of War Communism during the Russian Civil War — a necessary but transitory stage of scarcity, not genuine human liberation. Humanity cannot be freed from class society through egalitarian distribution of poverty, but only through communism in large-scale production, made possible by modern industry and planned abundance.
In short, this book is flawed but great — and it deserves all the praise it received in its time and still receives today.