The book investigates the French royal family's attempt to flee Paris for the eastern frontier in June 1791. After being forced to leave Versailles by an angry mob and national guardsmen, Louis XVI, his wife, and their two children had been living almost as captives in the palace of the Tuileries. Louis presided over the festivities commemorating the first anniversary of the fall of the Bastille and swore an oath of allegiance to the constitution. He visited the National Assembly and appeared to reconcile with the revolutionary reforms and accept the abolition of the old privileges. Many believed that Louis could be a good constitutional monarch. Many patriot deputies wanted to believe in the king's sincerity, for they intended to strengthen the monarchy, seeing it as a bulwark against popular violence. But they were mistaken, as subsequent events would prove. In reality, the king never accepted the Revolution. He wanted to restore his royal power and control over the country. Louis probably believed that an oath sworn under duress did not compromise his conscience. While the king could be well-intentioned and pious, he also mastered dissimulation during the tumultuous months preceding his flight.
By the time Louis decided to take flight, he may have felt completely disillusioned. This occurred shortly after the death of Mirabeau, who had supported the transition to a constitutional monarchy and was in contact with the king.
Marie Antoinette and some of the king's advisors had repeatedly urged Louis to distance himself from Paris with its "fanatical" newspapers and "extremist" mobs, but he refused. When he finally agreed to leave the capital, valuable time had already been lost.
What finally convinced the king, who was often indecisive and lacked self-confidence, to make such a drastic decision after so much dithering? It was most likely the feeling of personal danger to the king himself and his family that persuaded him to attempt an escape. Events that the monarch perceived as humiliations followed one another. One such event occurred when the royal carriage was blocked by the mob, preventing it from leaving the Tuileries. The king and his family had intended to spend Easter at their estate in the countryside, but this was denied to them.
Louis himself justified his clandestine escape by claiming that he lived in constant danger in Paris, surrounded by bayonets and daggers.
By the time the royal family left Paris, the country had become radicalized. The king should have acted earlier. Even in 1791, however, they could have succeeded if they had chosen a different strategy or had more luck. Suppose the king and the queen had agreed to travel separately. What if they had chosen a less conspicuous carriage? What if they had not continually postponed their departure? What if they had had a better understanding of people's sentiments? But Louis XVI was convinced that only Paris and its people were infected by radical Jacobin ideas and prone to violence. He believed that French men and women outside the capital remained loyal to him and would be happy to help him regain the greater part of his former royal powers. The king had some reason to think this way, as he had enjoyed popularity with different segments of society before his failed escape. Despite all the changes, he was still greeted with the traditional "Long live the king!" He was called "the father of the nation" and "the restorer of French liberty." Expressions of sympathy toward the king stopped after the royal family was returned to Paris. From that moment on, many people grew hostile toward the king. They were disillusioned and enraged by what they perceived as his treachery. This demonstrates the fickle nature of public opinion, which can change very rapidly.
However, in his belief that people outside of Paris were staunch royalists, Louis was wrong. As a side note, the French king's attitude resembles that of Nicholas II of Russia, who also believed that ordinary Russians - peasants in the countryside, the "real people" - supported the tsar.
More than two years had passed since the beginning of the French Revolution, and profound changes had occurred not only in major cities, but also in the countryside and small towns. Patriotic clubs emerged across the country in 1790-91. They played a significant role in shifting public opinion. Because of these transformations, the king, the queen, and their children were stopped in Varennes, a small town on the fringe of northeastern France, close to the border. The local officials, who initially seemed inclined to cooperate with the king, would finally reject their plea to let them go. Local dignitaries and ordinary people had constantly been warned about conspiracies, counterrevolutionary activities, and the danger of foreign invasion. Suspicion was in the air. They realized that they could not allow the king to travel so dangerously close to the border. They could easily imagine Louis crossing into the Austrian Netherlands and strengthening the forces hostile to the Revolution.
Their fears were not ungrounded. Louis declared his intention to reach the stronghold of Montmédy, where he would negotiate a new settlement with the Assembly. Although he probably did not plan to leave French soil, there was a possibility that Marie Antoinette and others would convince him to travel to Austrian territory for his safety. This would likely lead to a civil war, causing inevitable suffering for the people, and no one could predict the outcome for the royalists.
The stakes around the flight, as the author notes, were very high for everyone involved.
Interestingly, the royal couple was warned against taking this gamble by the Austrian ambassador, Mercy. He advised them to "wait out the storm" instead of taking such a great risk. "I tremble to think of the catastrophe that would arise if the enterprise fails," Mercy wrote.
General Bouille, one of the main architects of the royal flight, was growing increasingly doubtful of the reliability of his French troops. This led him to employ primarily German-speaking cavalrymen to protect the royal family upon their arrival, which only amplified the local people's suspicion and fear in Varennes and the surrounding areas.
Yet, it appears that the bold plan was very close to succeeding.
Marie Antoinette's close friend, Axel Fersen, conceived and orchestrated the plan for the most part. In fact, Fersen was responsible for the royal family's successful deliverance from Paris. The royal couple and their children, all in disguise, managed to slip out of the palace right under the noses of the guards and servants. This was a remarkable achievement in itself.
The king's sister, Elizabeth, traveled with the royal party. She, too, was executed during the Terror.
The flight failed. The royal couple was humiliated and exhausted by the excruciatingly slow journey back to Paris amidst the summer heat. Not only was the royal procession surrounded by guardsmen, but also by crowds of people who came to gawk at their king.
Before escaping the palace, Louis left a declaration on his desk that negatively influenced public perception of the king after Varennes. In it, he renounced the revolutionary changes and stated that his previous vows and acquiescence to the new laws had been coerced and were therefore invalid. Was Louis sure that their plan would succeed? Did the royal family not realize that they were sitting on top of a volcano? The king's letter left no doubt that Louis had not been abducted and that he had abandoned the capital of his own volition. Some might call this reckless act by the king political suicide. It produced an image of him as a "treasonous and deceitful" monarch who could hardly be trusted again. Following the Varennes episode, the ideas of "violating the rule of law to save the state from destruction" and of "the enemy within" began to gain traction. The years after the monarchy's fall would see the bloody consequences of these ideas for a great many people.
Despite the tension and ultimate failure, there were pleasant moments for the travelers. In their berline, a large, well-equipped carriage, the royal family ate a picnic breakfast with their fingers. The king pored over his maps to check out each village or relay post they passed by. Louis had always been fond of geography, but this was only the third time he had left the Paris region.
During their stops, the king chatted with the locals, as he had with laborers outside Versailles in his youth. This lack of prudence on the part of the king turned out to be a mistake.
The author suggests that the king's abortive flight and the subsequent crisis of the summer of 1791 greatly contributed to "the destabilization of the state and the society" and the spread of republican ideas among different segments of the nation. According to Timothy Tackett, the king's flight in a way initiated a republican movement in France.
While the attempted flight was undoubtedly one of the pivotal events with serious ramifications, the historian may be somewhat exaggerating its significance.
"In the spring of 1791 the deputies had been hopeful that with the completion of the constitution and the installation of a permanent new regime, the Revolutionary period would come to an end. And it is not impossible that the constitutional monarchy might have worked and eventually returned some measure of stability to the nation; it is not impossible that the period of state-sponsored violence and terror might have been avoided, if only the monarch himself, the central personage in the new system, had given his wholehearted support. At the beginning of June the majority of the French did think this was possible. The majority-especially outside Paris-continued to believe that their "citizen king" endorsed the Revolution. They continued to imagine Louis as a central father figure around whom the sovereign nation might rally."
While I agree with this passage, I think making a constitutional monarchy work would have required more than just Louis genuinely coming to accept the Revolution and his new role as a constitutional monarch with greatly reduced powers.
I would add that the outcome for the monarchy and Louis XVI might have been different if the National Assembly's deputies - who spent months debating and drafting the first constitution that transformed France into a constitutional monarchy - had had the opportunity to be elected to the new Legislative Assembly created by that same constitution. Unsurprisingly, many of those deputies, who had struggled for more than two years to perfect the constitution, described themselves as "exhausted" and "worn out" in their letters. One must have been as resilient as a gorilla to survive politically in that climate in the long term.
However, their remarkable achievement would survive only eleven months. New constitutions were adopted over the next few years. It seemed as if the country was trying to find its way through trial and error. Meanwhile, the members of the newly established National Convention were not about to relinquish their power. They feared that royalists might win a majority in both chambers if there were free elections.
The author could have elaborated more on these developments.
We know about what the royal family had to endure and about their tragic end. Many individuals suffered greatly during that period as well, but their stories and tragedies have been erased from history. Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette were concerned about their children's safety. Many families were concerned about finding bread to feed their children during a time of high prices and poor harvests.