This book is as relevant today as when it was published in 1966. Our modern democracy has been facing the same structural issue for generations: populist direct mob rule vs technocratic delegation to an often wealthy and powerful elite. And it would appear things were not very different in the Greece of twenty-five centuries ago. However, while we rely on a media to mediate between the people and some form of sovereignty, Greek politics was characterized by a far more face to face experience. On account of this deeply personal and in-person aspect of politics within the polis, our political ancestors were in a sense more democratic then we. But in our civilization, where communication is mediated and power is delegated to near total strangers, we can nevertheless boast of granting equal rights to women while not tolerating slavery. So in another sense, the world has never been more democratic than it is today.
We can still learn much from the Greek city-states discussed by Forrest: Corinth, Sparta, and of course Athens. All three staged one or more revolutions either to end tyranny or else to extend the deliberative franchise beyond a narrow oligarchy or aristocracy. Sparta was not really democratic, since it's citizens lived on the backs of a slave caste, the helots, and were ruled by a (dual) monarchy. But even in Sparta there was a check on absolute power: two kings coming from two distinct houses shared power, sometimes antagonistically, sometimes with a cooperative spirit. But either way, compromise and deliberation become necessary for political action.
In Athens, meanwhile, power was far more diffuse and dependent on the consent of those governed. Laws came from the people, and the people began to see the law as more binding than tradition, more consistent than charisma. Law also became depersonalized. Suddenly, it became much easier to colonize towns and outposts around the Mediterranean and Black Sea, especially since 'the people' itself became the most enthusiastic patron of these adventures. The ensuing increase in trade benefited a new merchant and industrial class that in time financially outpaced and politically displaced a static aristocracy. According to Forrest, Athenian colonialism augmented self-awareness and individualism among its citizenry, with economic change engendering political reform. The Athenian citizens as a body even had the right (once per year) to ostracize an undesirable citizen from Athens for ten years. This obviously provided a check on arbitrary power and led to the ruling class living somewhat in fear of the people they were ruling. For this reason, writers of Athens, from Plato to Aristophanes, showed palpable concern over the potentially disastrous powers of a fickle mob.
And then there's war. The Athenian polity suffered a serious setback when a colonial expedition to Sicily ended in disaster, with much loss of life and loss of taxpayer investment. Since the mob of voters were enthused by colonialism and wholeheartedly supported the mission to Sicily, they had nobody to blame but themselves. While it is true also that democracy came to be suspended during wars or other crises, people-power managed to come roaring back when the crises were overcome, often resulting in political reform and an expanded franchise for the people. And evidently many would-be conquerors--the Spartans, the Macedonians, eventually even Rome--were somewhat smitten by the material and cultural well-being of the Athenian demes, occasionally seeking to emulate their popular forms of government.
So setting aside slaves and women, the Athenians were favored by the gods, in time coming to take for granted the rights and duties of a citizen of the polis. But we must not forget that there were certainly tribal democracies long before the Greeks, generally taking the form either of groups of elders who were heads of lineages, or else assemblies of warriors, or the court of a chief. Such councils were common in primitive conditions, as in the Iliad, when King Agamemnon is challenged by his people in assembly.
Finally, I take the lesson of Forrest’s Emergence of Greek Democracy (800BC to 400BC) to be that democracy is neither old nor new, neither perfect nor pernicious. And the spirit of democracy is worth keeping, even if we don’t like the outcome of the latest election. For as long as all voices are heard that wish to be heard, and as long as compromise is permitted to emerge from a seemingly hopeless political stalemate, then we are in a place where 'power to the people' will have a happy outcome. Such is my hope.