What do you think?
Rate this book


Audio CD
First published September 14, 2010
The trouble was that the goal of outlawing abortion (as well as desires to limit access to birth control and sex education)—not as a matter of personal belief, but as a legislative goal—was not compatible with feminism if feminism in fact meant supporting women’s rights to pursue their life, liberty, and happiness on equal footing with men. Not believing in abortion personally was one thing. But preventing other women from exerting full control over their bodies and health, assessing their value as lesser than the value of the fetuses they carried, was, it seemed to me and many others, fundamentally antifeminist and antifemale (278).Exactly.
Watching Michelle [Obama] reminded me of the chill I got from reading about Elizabeth Edwards teaching her kids to stand in a stiff wind. Running beneath the presidential foot-dragging, the perforation of her husband's hype, her calls to readiness, was an arresting sense of caution and realism. She might have been the only one making the sober estimate of how hard this was going to be, of what a leap people would need to take to make this happen. "Change is scary," she told the Iowans. "It was scary for me to say yes to this. So I know." It seemed to me that she was carrying many of the burdens for her husband. He had the hope, she had the fear; he had the enthusiasm, she had the reluctance; he had the high expectations, she lived on planet Earth. In many ways, for those who doubted a black man's ability to run successfully for president, be they cynic or racist, Michelle worked as an interlocutor, as a stand-in for what she presumed would be the larger national experience: she doubted, shook her head, said no. But then her experience and the country's became further aligned: she took a chance on the guy with the funny name and slim prospects for success, because, frankly, she fell for him, just as the country was beginning to.p 155
Debra Dickerson said it herself, even as she excoriated young feminists at Mother Jones: "Honey, you haven't seen sexism yet." Bingo. As Leslie Bennetts said in 2008, "We used to have a saying in the women's movement: 'It takes life to make a feminist.'" Much of what women learned about how their gender impacted their status—economically, socially, politically, professionally—came with time, with babies, with promotions and raises and marriages, with challenges that most young women had not encountered. That didn't mean that ten years later they would have voted for Hillary Clinton (though women over thirty did vote for her at higher rates than did their younger counterparts). It just meant that yelling at them about what they had not yet lived through was not going to do anyone any good.p 162
In some cases the sentiments of dissenting young women were practically love letters from a purportedly ungrateful generation. Responding to Linda Horseman's piece about her mother issues, Courtney Martin wrote in American Prospect, "I have gained an immeasurable amount from the wise, older women who have challenged my views on this election and other issues within a context of complexity. These women have made me a better thinker, a better writer, a better feminist, and a better human. And because of them, I will not cower, but I promise to be grateful. I will not forget, but I must also move on. I will not be a dutiful daughter, but I promise to be an impassioned, authentic, and brave inheritor."p 163
It was true, Steinem acknowledged, that many of her contemporaries "were not appreciated enough for the hard work and the sacrifice and so on. But you cannot now exact that price from your daughters. Even Susan B. Anthony said, 'Our job is not to make young women grateful. It's to make them ungrateful.'"p 260
[Amy] Poehler did not bear any resemblance to Clinton; neither was she the world's most skillful mimic. From the start she had relied on the broadest possible identifying attributes in her performance: the big laugh and ravenous hunger for the presidency. But in comedy, as in real life, the arrival of Palin on the scene threw Clinton into new focus. Next to Palin, Clinton's good qualities—her brains, competence, work ethic, her belief in secular government and reproductive freedoms, her ability to complete sentences—became far more evident than they had been before there was another potential "first woman" to compare her to.p 295
"Of particular concern to me is the plight of women and girls, who comprise the majority of the world's unhealthy, unschooled, unfed, and unpaid," said [Hillary] Clinton in her statement to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on January 13, 2009. "If half of the world's population remains vulnerable to economic, political, legal and social marginalization, our hope of advancing democracy and prosperity is in serious jeopardy. The United States must be an unequivocal and unwavering voice in support of women's rights in every country on every continent." When questioned about her commitment to women's issues by committeewoman Barbara Boxer, Clinton replied, "I want to pledge to you that as secretary of state I view these issues as central to our foreign policy, not as adjunct or auxiliary or in any way lesser than all of the other issues that we have to confront."
“This would be the last moment of the primary during which I felt as though I inhabited a different planet than everyone else in my party, that I had heard a different speech, seen a different person, been in a different room than everyone else. But I can't say that I was unhappy that they had heard what they did. If they thought Hillary was telling them to fuck off, that was okay with me. For just one last day, before I joined their ranks, I wanted them to fuck off too.”