This is yet another book about the battle of Dien Bien Phu I read, and nothing about the Franco-Vietnamese battle is more exciting for me than the attitude of the American government. It is widely known that the Eisenhower administration eventually chose to abandon the French to their fate. It is less widely but still known that this decision influenced the outcome of the battle dramatically – the French and the Viet Minh had been equally desperate and equally likely to lose. What remains puzzling is the reason for this decision. What directed American policy-makers' thinking away from the idea of helping France and toward the idea of non-involvement – and how?
According to Martin Windrow, when General Ély from the French High Command arrived in Washington on March 20, 1954, the opinion there was still extremely favorable to the French requests. It struck Ély that American government officials were very optimistic and confident about the outcome of the war – a lot more than the French fighting in the besieged valley. Two days later, he was received by President Eisenhower in the presence of Admiral Radford, and Eisenhower – who was later a vehement opponent of US intervention – told Radford that the French requests should be fulfilled at once, emphasizing that special priority should be given to everything that might help France win. The requirements – especially those for bombers – were fulfilled in the following weeks from American bases in the Philippines, Formosa, and Japan. What's more, Eisenhower's right hand, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, told Ély that he strongly approved of the aerial-bombing plan. What caused Eisenhower and his administration to change their minds later?
As it turned out, General Ély was responsible for this abrupt change of plans – not because he did or said something offensive, but because he gave American officials an honest assessment of the situation at Dien Bien Phu. His report dissipated their mood of great optimism, which was buoyed by their unshakable confidence in America's technological superiority, and replaced it with one of doom and gloom. The government and the administration suddenly awoke to the reality: France had reached a point at which it would prefer to negotiate with the Viet Minh even under the worst conditions unless America provided massive military aid. A large-scale aid operation would naturally commit the United States more deeply to the struggle in Vietnam.
The Truman administration would not have thought twice in such a case, but American policy was changing rapidly in the Eisenhower era. The National Security Council had recognized the need of preventing Communism from spreading into Southeast Asia, which supplied the Free World with vital commodities and was a primary trading partner of Japan. The conviction that the region must be held at all cost and that Indochina was the key to it persisted, but the approach had changed. Thus, General Ély's report and request clashed with the American government's vision.
The first aspect of this new approach was the idea that Vietnam had to be enabled to resist the Communists by itself. American policy-makers strongly criticized the French method of forming and training the Vietnamese army. They felt that they had to have a say on the matter because they supplied the bulk of financial and material aid for the war. They believed that only a large, well-trained, and well-equipped Vietnamese army could thwart the Viet Minh. The French military leaders had their own ideas, though. They insisted that the war was theirs, after all, and the Americans did not have a right to dictate how it should be fought. General Ély spoke frankly to Admiral Radford on this matter, which must have displeased the Eisenhower administration.
Second, the main goal of Ély's mission was to persuade Washington officials to guarantee American action in case of Chinese air intervention. After the end of the Korean War, China had focused on supplying the Viet Minh, and it was this massive increase in aid on their part that had put the French in a dangerous position in Indochina. The Geneva conference was approaching, and the French government feared that the Chinese would try to give the Viet Minh the means to win decisively before the start of the conference. Just like the French, American policy-makers realized that it must be made clear to China that the Free World would intervene rather than lose Indochina to Communism because of Chinese aid to the Viet Minh. While a warning to China was essential, though, the Eisenhower administration did not want to represent the whole Free World on its own. As the National Security Council suggested, Communist resistance in Southeast Asia should not be the responsibility of America alone. But America's allies were reluctant to intervene – even after Dulles's attempts to win them over. The main ally, Britain, believed that Dien Bien Phu was a lost cause for the French even if the Americans bombed the Viet Minh siege, and their opinion proved to be decisive – it ruined the possibility of multilateral intervention.
Eisenhower was forced to reconsider. It became clear to him and the rest of the American government that an operation by the US Air Force would be interpreted as the first act of direct US intervention into Indochina and might well provoke the Chinese to react violently. The last thing Eisenhower wanted his term to be known for was a hot war with China – and possibly its ally, the Soviet Union.
That is why eventually American policy-makers changed their minds and did not send troops to rescue the French from the valley of Dien Bien Phu. Losing Indochina was painful, but an intervention would have led to greater disasters. As the bitter American experience in the Second Indochina War demonstrated, the American government's decision to stay out of the conflict in 1954 might not have been a bad idea at all.
I liked THE LAST VALLEY a lot, mainly because of Martin Windrow clear, insightful, and well-argumented analysis of the American stance regarding Dien Bien Phu and the French struggle in Indochina in general. This book is very comprehensive, however, so no matter what aspect of the battle interests you most, Windrow has covered it. I highly recommend his work, which is one of the best on this subject I have read so far, to all Vietnam history buffs.