One of my oldest and best friends? NEIL broatch gave me this book a long time ago to read, when I think we were still doing our A-levels. One of the best political journalists ever. Here Are the best bits:
They also understood - unlike many of us in the West - that state power in the democracies is enforced not with ranks but with illusions, notably that of free expression:
It is clear that in the summer of 1990 George Bush believed that Saddam Hussein - his man', the dictator he backed against the mullahs in Iran and trusted to guard America's interests - had betrayed him. It also seems clear Bush believed that if his appeasement of Saddam ever got out, the invasion of Kuwait might be blamed on him personally - hence the magnitude of his military response. To cover himself, the price was carnage, which he described as 'the greatest moral crusade since World War Two' - January 17, 1992 to May 1992
Elizabeth, aged three, and Lito, aged two, were two of these children. Eddie took Elizabeth to the local hospital when her diarrhoea 'would not stop'. The hospital said they would take the child, but Eddie would have to buy the medicines in the market. Health care accounts for 3 per cent of the national budget. The cheapest he could find cost forty pesos. So he scavenged for a day and got it. But Elizabeth was now seriously ill; and so, too, was Lito whose stomach had distended in a matter of days. Teresita told me how she watched horrified as worms emerged from the mouth of her skeletal child. On the day they buried Elizabeth, in a cemetery occupied mostly by the unmarked graves of children, Lito died too.
Clinton's expressions of concern for 'human rights' are reminiscent of those of President Carter, who described 'human rights' as 'the soul of [American] foreign policy's
Like the dissident writers of the former Soviet empire, he returns in most of his work to a fundamental theme of morality: that Americans, and by implication those of us living within the American orbit, are subject to 'an ideological system dedicated to the service of power' which has no notion of conscience, and demands of the people apathy and obedience (so as] to bar any serious challenge to elite rule
'Sure, I am an extremist, because a moderate is anyone who supports Western power and an extremist is anyone who objects to it.
Norodom Sihanouk is much romanticised by Westerners, who describe his rule as la belle époque. On his throne Sthanouk knew how to patronise and manipulate foreigners; he was the reassuring face of feudal colonialism, a colourful relic of the French Empire, a 'god-king' who was his country's leading jazz musician, film director and football coach.
But there was another Cambodia beneath the lotus-eating surface of which foreigners were either unaware or chose to ignore. Sihanouk was a capricious autocrat whose thugs dispensed arbitrary terror. His dictatorial ways contributed to the growth of the communist party, which he called the Khmer Rouge.
On April 17, 1975, the first day of Year Zero, the Khmer Rouge entered Phnom Penh and marched the entire population into the countryside, many of them to their death. Generally, people did as they were told. The sick and wounded were dragged at gunpoint from their hospital beds; surgeons were forced to leave patients in mid-operation. On the road, a procession of mobile beds could be seen, with their drip-bottles swinging at the bedposts. The old and crippled soon fell away and their families were forced to go on. Ill and dying children were carried in plastic bags. Women barely out of childbirth staggered forward, supported by parents. Orphaned babies, forty-one by one estimate, were left in their cradles at the National Paediatric Hospital without anyone to care for them. The Khmer Rouge said that the Americans were about to bomb the city.