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Salisbury: Victorian Titan
At six years of age, Robert Cecil, the 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, was sent to a brutal boarding school he likened to “an existence among devils.” By 23, he was a member of the British Parliament. And before his death at age 73 in 1903, he would spend nearly two decades as Britain’s Prime Minister, single-mindedly driving the British Empire to extend its iron grip to five continents. This multiple award-winning biography sheds uncompromising light on Lord Salisbury’s troubled family life, his transformational experiences in Australia, India, and Africa, and his dogged pursuit of political power in the court of Queen Victoria.
960 pages, Paperback
First published March 1, 2000
20 people are currently reading
673 people want to read
About the author
Andrew Roberts
79 books1,512 followersDr Andrew Roberts, who was born in 1963, took a first class honours degree in Modern History at Gonville & Caius College, Cambridge, from where he is an honorary senior scholar and a Doctor of Philosophy (PhD). He has written or edited twelve books, and appears regularly on radio and television around the world. Based in New York, he is an accomplished public speaker, and is represented by HarperCollins Speakers’ Bureau (See Speaking Engagements and Speaking Testimonials). He has recently lectured at Yale, Princeton and Stanford Universities and at the US Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania.
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Displaying 1 - 18 of 18 reviews
August 16, 2025
High Mind
I am an admirer of Andrew Roberts’ work for several reasons, however one is that he often chooses his subjects in order to challenge misconceptions about them. Salisbury, is no different and as a result, Roberts produces a deeply insightful account of one of Britain’s most influential yet underappreciated prime ministers, Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury. As one of his earlier works and first published in 1999, it established Roberts as a serious biographer and helped revive interest in a key figure from the high noon of the British Empire.
Salisbury served as Prime Minister three times between 1885 and 1902, making him the last Prime Minister to lead a government from the House of Lords. Under his leadership, Britain expanded its imperial reach, maintained a policy of ‘splendid isolation’ in foreign affairs, and navigated the domestic challenges of a rapidly changing society. Despite his political significance, Salisbury has often been overshadowed by flashier contemporaries like Gladstone and Disraeli—something Roberts seeks to correct.
In my opinion Roberts does a masterful job in contextualising Salisbury’s policies and beliefs within the broader currents of Victorian and Edwardian society. He portrays Salisbury as a deeply conservative but pragmatic figure, intellectually brilliant, privately melancholic, and skeptical of mass democracy. The book’s subtitle, Victorian Titan, reflects both Salisbury’s formidable intellect and his towering influence over British politics and foreign policy.
A trademark of a Roberts’ biography is his access to private family papers and previously unpublished material, which allows him to paint a richer portrait of Salisbury’s inner life and motivations. His writing is fluid and often witty, balancing scholarly rigor with readability. Roberts also refrains from excessive hagiography: he acknowledges Salisbury’s flaws; his detachment, elitism, and occasional political cynicism, without letting them eclipse his achievements.
Salisbury was widely praised upon release, earning comparisons to the works of biographical heavyweights like Robert Blake and Roy Jenkins. Many appreciated Roberts’ effort to reposition Salisbury as not just a transitional figure, but a key architect of modern British conservatism. However, while Roberts clearly admires his subject, this can at times skew his interpretations. Some critics argue that he downplays Salisbury’s resistance to social reform and his use of imperial power, particularly in Africa and India. Moreover, readers unfamiliar with late-Victorian British politics may find some of the dense political detail hard to follow without supplemental background.
In conclusion, this is a landmark political biography that restored a complex statesman to his rightful place in the historical narrative. Andrew Roberts delivers not just a biography of a man, but a panoramic view of a fading aristocratic world on the cusp of the modern age. It’s a must-read for anyone interested in British history, political leadership, or the evolution of conservatism.
I am an admirer of Andrew Roberts’ work for several reasons, however one is that he often chooses his subjects in order to challenge misconceptions about them. Salisbury, is no different and as a result, Roberts produces a deeply insightful account of one of Britain’s most influential yet underappreciated prime ministers, Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury. As one of his earlier works and first published in 1999, it established Roberts as a serious biographer and helped revive interest in a key figure from the high noon of the British Empire.
Salisbury served as Prime Minister three times between 1885 and 1902, making him the last Prime Minister to lead a government from the House of Lords. Under his leadership, Britain expanded its imperial reach, maintained a policy of ‘splendid isolation’ in foreign affairs, and navigated the domestic challenges of a rapidly changing society. Despite his political significance, Salisbury has often been overshadowed by flashier contemporaries like Gladstone and Disraeli—something Roberts seeks to correct.
In my opinion Roberts does a masterful job in contextualising Salisbury’s policies and beliefs within the broader currents of Victorian and Edwardian society. He portrays Salisbury as a deeply conservative but pragmatic figure, intellectually brilliant, privately melancholic, and skeptical of mass democracy. The book’s subtitle, Victorian Titan, reflects both Salisbury’s formidable intellect and his towering influence over British politics and foreign policy.
A trademark of a Roberts’ biography is his access to private family papers and previously unpublished material, which allows him to paint a richer portrait of Salisbury’s inner life and motivations. His writing is fluid and often witty, balancing scholarly rigor with readability. Roberts also refrains from excessive hagiography: he acknowledges Salisbury’s flaws; his detachment, elitism, and occasional political cynicism, without letting them eclipse his achievements.
Salisbury was widely praised upon release, earning comparisons to the works of biographical heavyweights like Robert Blake and Roy Jenkins. Many appreciated Roberts’ effort to reposition Salisbury as not just a transitional figure, but a key architect of modern British conservatism. However, while Roberts clearly admires his subject, this can at times skew his interpretations. Some critics argue that he downplays Salisbury’s resistance to social reform and his use of imperial power, particularly in Africa and India. Moreover, readers unfamiliar with late-Victorian British politics may find some of the dense political detail hard to follow without supplemental background.
In conclusion, this is a landmark political biography that restored a complex statesman to his rightful place in the historical narrative. Andrew Roberts delivers not just a biography of a man, but a panoramic view of a fading aristocratic world on the cusp of the modern age. It’s a must-read for anyone interested in British history, political leadership, or the evolution of conservatism.
January 1, 2021
It is with a certain sadness that I leave this momentous biography of a tory politician, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury. It has been a joy to read about the life of this long forgotten victorian titan.
He was the 4th longest serving PM in English history, serving for nearly 14 years at the end of the 19th century. He was chiefly responsible for British non-alignment foreign policy which has been crudely described as 'splendid isolation' from European great power politics.
Salisburys main foreign policy objective was to balance the power between the great nations and thereby preserve the order created by lord Castlereagh, Metternich and Talleyrand at the Congress of Vienna (1815). This order was fragile and required skilfull diplomacy (which Salisbury was a certainly a master of). Had his health been that of Gladstone perhaps WW1 could have been averted (who knows).
The older Salisbury strikes me as someone who has just the right balance between principled libertarianism and pragmatic conservatism. (I will write a longer review once I have let this biography sink in more).
He was the 4th longest serving PM in English history, serving for nearly 14 years at the end of the 19th century. He was chiefly responsible for British non-alignment foreign policy which has been crudely described as 'splendid isolation' from European great power politics.
Salisburys main foreign policy objective was to balance the power between the great nations and thereby preserve the order created by lord Castlereagh, Metternich and Talleyrand at the Congress of Vienna (1815). This order was fragile and required skilfull diplomacy (which Salisbury was a certainly a master of). Had his health been that of Gladstone perhaps WW1 could have been averted (who knows).
The older Salisbury strikes me as someone who has just the right balance between principled libertarianism and pragmatic conservatism. (I will write a longer review once I have let this biography sink in more).
April 12, 2020
Pure brilliance. Roberts has written a masterly biography - not dwelling too much on anything, yet not leaving anything unexplained. This will surely set a benchmark for good biographies for me - surely, surely. Roberts has done justice to one of the greatest giants of British politics who is often forgotten and often marginalised. He shouldn't be and Roberts certainly rehabilitates him.
Salisbury himself was a great man. He is now forgotten because he did little other than maintain and allow organic growth. This shouldn't be the case. This ought to be celebrated. He maintained an Empire that arguably would've became over extended and even entangled in a web of alliances that caused the Great War a lot earlier - Salisbury did not buy into the romantic nonsense that some pushed. He fought against wholesale democracy for logical reasoning - that the majority would punish the minority, as they do. Him and Balfour introduced the Crimes Bill that kept Ireland a lot more peaceful than what it would've been under Gladstone, and his prevention of Home Rule was justified and entirely in keeping with his Tory values, as well as maintaining the traditional institutions that, as Roberts notes, have been spoiled and wrecked. The fact that he introduced free elementary education and compensation for workers in accidents shows his strain of compassion that he clearly felt, as he did for the Christian Turkish.
Why has he been forgotten? Because the men that followed willed it. But I won't forget him, and with Roberts' biography, I certainly won't forget him. May he rest peacefully in the Next World, and I expect he looks upon us with disgrace. We are indeed a 'dying nation' and we too have seemed to pick the wrong horse - we didn't pick the non-aligned horse that Salisbury demonstrated maintained the balance of power. I can only recommend this biography. Masterful.
Salisbury himself was a great man. He is now forgotten because he did little other than maintain and allow organic growth. This shouldn't be the case. This ought to be celebrated. He maintained an Empire that arguably would've became over extended and even entangled in a web of alliances that caused the Great War a lot earlier - Salisbury did not buy into the romantic nonsense that some pushed. He fought against wholesale democracy for logical reasoning - that the majority would punish the minority, as they do. Him and Balfour introduced the Crimes Bill that kept Ireland a lot more peaceful than what it would've been under Gladstone, and his prevention of Home Rule was justified and entirely in keeping with his Tory values, as well as maintaining the traditional institutions that, as Roberts notes, have been spoiled and wrecked. The fact that he introduced free elementary education and compensation for workers in accidents shows his strain of compassion that he clearly felt, as he did for the Christian Turkish.
Why has he been forgotten? Because the men that followed willed it. But I won't forget him, and with Roberts' biography, I certainly won't forget him. May he rest peacefully in the Next World, and I expect he looks upon us with disgrace. We are indeed a 'dying nation' and we too have seemed to pick the wrong horse - we didn't pick the non-aligned horse that Salisbury demonstrated maintained the balance of power. I can only recommend this biography. Masterful.
March 30, 2021
Like most winners of the Wolfson Prize, Andrew Roberts' "Salisbury: Victorian Titan" clearly merits a five-star rating for the depth of its research and well-considered judgements. Unfortunately it is hell to read because of its outrageous length. Comprised of 852 large pages (17 cm by 19 cm) of finely printed text "Salisbury: Victorian Titan" according to Amazon weighs 1.44 kg but feels more like 14.4. kg. Presumably to keep the weight down, it is grievously short of illustrations and maps.
Like most French-speaking Canadians I consider myself to be a Gladstonian Liberal; that is to say, I am an anti-imperialist, consider the Boer War to have been a great crime and feel that it was a tragedy that Ireland was not granted Home Rule in the 19th century. Thus I did not expect myself to be won over by Robert's thesis that Salisbury was one of the great heroes of British History not one of the prime villains.
By most standards Salisbury was an extraordinary reactionary. He resigned from Disraeli's cabinet because he opposed the Reform act of 1867 that the increased number of eligible voters from 1 million male adults out of 7 million to 2 million male adults. Salisbury felt that Catholics, Jews and women should not be allowed to attend university. He supported the decision of the southern states to secede from the American union and was against the creation of democratic institutions in India. He considered the working class to be dangerous. He felt that the government of nations should be left to the wealthy who had better judgement and did not jump into dangerous social experiments. Ironically, Salisbury did not foresee how popular his brand of conservatism would be with the masses and the public adulation that he would receive.
It was Salisbury's fierce opposition to Irish Home Rule that allowed him to win three general elections with large majorities. Instead of granting the Irish their own parliament, he chose to deal with Irish grievances and dissent through tougher police control. Today one speculates that Ireland might have remained in the British Empire had it been granted the autonomy or dominion status enjoyed by Canada, Australia or New Zealand. However, in nineteenth century England, Salisbury's authoritarian approach to Ireland was wildly popular.
Similarly, imperialism which today is viewed as an evil, was well regarded during Salisbury's time. Salisbury greatly expanded the British empire as prime minister adding the Central and East African protectorates, Nigeria, New Guinea, Rhodesia, Orange Free State, Upper Burma, Wei-hai-wei, Transvaal, and the Orange River Colony. Prior to becoming prime minister, he had acquired Cyprus as foreign secretary .
Salisbury possessed diplomatic skills of the same order as Bismarck or Metternich. At every occasion he was able to convince the other European powers that Britain's acquisitions were in their interest. Salisbury hated Jingoism. He believed that popular enthusiasm for imperial had the potential to push governments to getting involved in regions where the nation had no interest at stake. Similarly Jingoist sentiment in the public could push a government to intervene in conflicts where it lacked the means to do so effectively or before it was ready. Salisbury's preference was to not get involved in situations where a strong army was required but only where naval strength would be decisive.
It was not his philosophy that made Salisbury effective but rather his hard work and attention to detail. He never rushed blindly in any venture and was always able to correctly anticipate the reactions of the other European powers.
Salisbury's final years in office were dominated by the Boer War which brought him to the peak of his glory. Things began well. He managed to manoeuvre the Boers into attacking first which put public opinion. The Boer army proved to be better than anyone expected and the British army much worse. As the expenses and British deaths mounted, his popularity increased as the British people happened to be in a bellicose euphoria.
Roberts acknowledges that the concentration camps that were created at the end of the war to eradicate the final guerilla resistance constituted a major black mark on Salisbury's career. Fourth thousand (4000) Boer Adults and sixteen thousand (16,000) Boer children died in British internment. Roberts acknowledges that higher totals have been put forward but he describes them as a propaganda. Roberts also considers that many of the deaths were due to a lack of experience. As the months progressed, the management and sanitary conditions in the camps improved causing the death rates to plummet.
Roberts' "Salisbury: Victorian Titan" is a masterful defence of a man that liberals love to hate. Nonetheless, his views were in tune with the time and he was extremely competent. These two factors made him very successful in practical rather than moral terms. Still being a Gladstonian, I personally deplore much of what he did.
Like most French-speaking Canadians I consider myself to be a Gladstonian Liberal; that is to say, I am an anti-imperialist, consider the Boer War to have been a great crime and feel that it was a tragedy that Ireland was not granted Home Rule in the 19th century. Thus I did not expect myself to be won over by Robert's thesis that Salisbury was one of the great heroes of British History not one of the prime villains.
By most standards Salisbury was an extraordinary reactionary. He resigned from Disraeli's cabinet because he opposed the Reform act of 1867 that the increased number of eligible voters from 1 million male adults out of 7 million to 2 million male adults. Salisbury felt that Catholics, Jews and women should not be allowed to attend university. He supported the decision of the southern states to secede from the American union and was against the creation of democratic institutions in India. He considered the working class to be dangerous. He felt that the government of nations should be left to the wealthy who had better judgement and did not jump into dangerous social experiments. Ironically, Salisbury did not foresee how popular his brand of conservatism would be with the masses and the public adulation that he would receive.
It was Salisbury's fierce opposition to Irish Home Rule that allowed him to win three general elections with large majorities. Instead of granting the Irish their own parliament, he chose to deal with Irish grievances and dissent through tougher police control. Today one speculates that Ireland might have remained in the British Empire had it been granted the autonomy or dominion status enjoyed by Canada, Australia or New Zealand. However, in nineteenth century England, Salisbury's authoritarian approach to Ireland was wildly popular.
Similarly, imperialism which today is viewed as an evil, was well regarded during Salisbury's time. Salisbury greatly expanded the British empire as prime minister adding the Central and East African protectorates, Nigeria, New Guinea, Rhodesia, Orange Free State, Upper Burma, Wei-hai-wei, Transvaal, and the Orange River Colony. Prior to becoming prime minister, he had acquired Cyprus as foreign secretary .
Salisbury possessed diplomatic skills of the same order as Bismarck or Metternich. At every occasion he was able to convince the other European powers that Britain's acquisitions were in their interest. Salisbury hated Jingoism. He believed that popular enthusiasm for imperial had the potential to push governments to getting involved in regions where the nation had no interest at stake. Similarly Jingoist sentiment in the public could push a government to intervene in conflicts where it lacked the means to do so effectively or before it was ready. Salisbury's preference was to not get involved in situations where a strong army was required but only where naval strength would be decisive.
It was not his philosophy that made Salisbury effective but rather his hard work and attention to detail. He never rushed blindly in any venture and was always able to correctly anticipate the reactions of the other European powers.
Salisbury's final years in office were dominated by the Boer War which brought him to the peak of his glory. Things began well. He managed to manoeuvre the Boers into attacking first which put public opinion. The Boer army proved to be better than anyone expected and the British army much worse. As the expenses and British deaths mounted, his popularity increased as the British people happened to be in a bellicose euphoria.
Roberts acknowledges that the concentration camps that were created at the end of the war to eradicate the final guerilla resistance constituted a major black mark on Salisbury's career. Fourth thousand (4000) Boer Adults and sixteen thousand (16,000) Boer children died in British internment. Roberts acknowledges that higher totals have been put forward but he describes them as a propaganda. Roberts also considers that many of the deaths were due to a lack of experience. As the months progressed, the management and sanitary conditions in the camps improved causing the death rates to plummet.
Roberts' "Salisbury: Victorian Titan" is a masterful defence of a man that liberals love to hate. Nonetheless, his views were in tune with the time and he was extremely competent. These two factors made him very successful in practical rather than moral terms. Still being a Gladstonian, I personally deplore much of what he did.
March 20, 2016
THe finest biography that I can ever remember reading. Makes what is relatively dry history seem riveting. This was the end of the Victorian period; things were happening for Britain and Salisbury (along with Gladstone and Disraeli) were an important part of it. The Boer War, Gordon at Khartoum, the beginning of the modern Great Powers rivalries that led to WWI. Its all here. And Salisbury was when he wanted to be, hysterically funny, when writing or even speaking in the House of Lords. thi book takes you away from our own political woes but ultimately teaches some very serious lessons about demagogues, as Salisbury faced two: Winston Churchill's Father and Joseph Chamberlain.
January 4, 2020
Written at the encouragement of Lord Salisbury's family this book is of little surprise to anyone that it gives a very salutory account of the life of this Victorian Prime Minister. What is of surprise is how well it is written, missing none of the most salient points of his life and giving anyone approaching the book a comprehensive picture. That the moral vacuousness of the political reactionary, who spoke of principals while relinquishing himself of all principals, should be so lightly condemned if ever we may forgive. And why forgive? Because this is well written, leaves nothing out and obscures nothing.
I do not believe anyone of any political stripe would regret reading this book.
I do not believe anyone of any political stripe would regret reading this book.
September 14, 2014
It took a long time, but it was well worth the read...I picked this book up because I was fascinated by the references to Salisbury's character in Margaret Macmillan's "The War that ended the Peace' and Roberts' masterly scholarship brought him to life. He was an extraordinary personality, a Titan indeed, he served as Prime Minister for nearly 14 years, making him one of the longest serving Premiers this country has ever seen. His early life was unusual...cut off without an allowance by his father for marrying for love and 'beneath his position', he earned a living as a journalist and supported his family quite successfully until his brother died and he inherited the title. He spurned the trappings of power, never left his house in Arlington Street to live in Downing Street, buried in the church at Hatfield and not in Westminster Abbey, and never lost his sense of humour. He also successfully managed a coalition government for most of his years in power. He combined the positions of PM and Foreign Secretary throughout his career, but it seems to me that his wife and family were always his top priorities. I wouldn't have agreed with many of his political views, but his heart seems to have been in the right place. He was deeply suspicious of ideologies and agendas. My favourite quote 'When great men get drunk with a theory, it is the little men who get the headache'. Brilliant man.
May 27, 2019
You put this book down at its finish and draw a deep breath . I knew nothing of Salisbury , nothing . I had studied late Victorian history at school and knew about Pam and Gladstone Disraeli yet Robert Cecil The 3rd Marquess of Salisbury wipes the floor with all of his predecessors.
Leaving aside modern views of Empire and Ethics ( I don’t understand WHY we wanted a massive Empire but it doesn’t affect the compelling story ) we can but be amazed by his extraordinary successes - 14 years in power, 3 landslide elections, a great coalition builder (he only could form a government by pulling over Liberals who were Irish unionists ) he carved Africa up and took a mighty mouthful for England without falling out with the other European powers. He formed no alliances at any time ( save Japan ) preferring a splendid isolation ( he disapproved this term ) he fought 2 wars in Sudan and the Transvaal but fewer died in his wars that the first hour of the battle of the Somme . He was a complete pragmatist, putting England’s needs before the sanctity of alliances , he contemplated throwing off the Belgian Treaty ( which committed us to the Great War in 14) He loathed fuss or pomp. He was an old world Tory with little interest in making new laws who assumed it was better to leave things as they are : although he implemented a great deal of social reform with Joe Chamberlain viz workplace regulation , building of houses slum clearance , pensions , employer to pay work place accident etc
An excellent biography , minutely researched , very readable , very witty - an astonishing insight into a much overlooked hero of nineteenth century Britain .
Leaving aside modern views of Empire and Ethics ( I don’t understand WHY we wanted a massive Empire but it doesn’t affect the compelling story ) we can but be amazed by his extraordinary successes - 14 years in power, 3 landslide elections, a great coalition builder (he only could form a government by pulling over Liberals who were Irish unionists ) he carved Africa up and took a mighty mouthful for England without falling out with the other European powers. He formed no alliances at any time ( save Japan ) preferring a splendid isolation ( he disapproved this term ) he fought 2 wars in Sudan and the Transvaal but fewer died in his wars that the first hour of the battle of the Somme . He was a complete pragmatist, putting England’s needs before the sanctity of alliances , he contemplated throwing off the Belgian Treaty ( which committed us to the Great War in 14) He loathed fuss or pomp. He was an old world Tory with little interest in making new laws who assumed it was better to leave things as they are : although he implemented a great deal of social reform with Joe Chamberlain viz workplace regulation , building of houses slum clearance , pensions , employer to pay work place accident etc
An excellent biography , minutely researched , very readable , very witty - an astonishing insight into a much overlooked hero of nineteenth century Britain .
November 7, 2009
A great biography of a great pm and the purest conservative ever to hold the office - but he worked perfectly happily in a coalition government with relatively liberal Liberals for years. He was also simultaneously PM and foreign minister - and an intellectual as well.
Whenever he heard a proposal, his first response was "far better not!" If only the book had been much much longer.
Whenever he heard a proposal, his first response was "far better not!" If only the book had been much much longer.
December 25, 2021
This is one epic biography of one of the greatest and the most underrated world leaders of the 19th century. Lord Salisbury was a truly conservative Titan persona who was much respected by all the top contemporary world leaders - except Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany. His lifelong philosophy and wont of using dilatory techniques to water down drastic and radical changes and make them less harmful and more palatable to the affected parties is something which i personally and fully subscribe too, for - mirabile dictu - applying it in real life really works! So does works very beautifully his families' - the Cecil family - maxim of 'Late but in Earnest'.
November 13, 2024
O youth so cruel
humans they be
hardwired to red
c’est la vie!
Questionable verse^ much in tune however with the nose of this man. Re-reading as of 13/11.
"Whatever happens will be for the worse, and therefore it is in our interest that as little should happen as possible." For long this was the enduring credo of the Conservative Party - all that is until Brexit; or conversations, at least, of that hue.
humans they be
hardwired to red
c’est la vie!
Questionable verse^ much in tune however with the nose of this man. Re-reading as of 13/11.
"Whatever happens will be for the worse, and therefore it is in our interest that as little should happen as possible." For long this was the enduring credo of the Conservative Party - all that is until Brexit; or conversations, at least, of that hue.
October 30, 2013
Fantastic account of the life and times of Lord Salisbury, one of the true characters of the late Victorian era; one of Britain's longest serving Prime Ministers; and a true Tory Titan. Though the book checks in at just over 800 ages, I could gladly have read more as Roberts is an accomplished writer himself. A welcome antidote to the anodyne and faceless nature of much modern politics
January 24, 2022
In history, there seems a ceaseless fight between radicals and conservatives, battling over policies, negotiations, alliances, wars and imperial adventures that either advance civilization further ahead or maintain it against the hordes of radical barbarians threatening to beat down the last bulwark. Lord Salisbury is one of those conservatives forever standing at the bulwark, defending Anglicanism, Toryism, and the British Empire against the incoming tides of democracy and total war.
Andrew Roberts, in line with his biographies of Winston Churchill and King George III, has made a supreme addition to British history and biography, unearthing Salisbury as one of the three great figures of Victorian politics, alongside the better-known Gladstone and Disraeli. Salisbury was above all a conservative, but not a doctrinaire one - despite fighting against the 1867 Reform Act (which would have opened by voting rights to the middle classes), Salisbury comes around to supporting the Third Reform Act, seeing middle class suburbanites as an attractive addition to the voter rolls and a strengthening against the socialist tendencies of urban voting crowds. In diplomacy, Salisbury exhibited precisely the same "conservative flexibility," defending British interests at key points in the Sudan and South Africa, and carving up other areas of Africa to promote a balanced and peaceful European power dynamic. Through it all, Salisbury is principled, but pragmatic in how those principles should be manifest in the political and dipomatic worlds of the 19th Century.
Readers accustomed to Roberts's style will find no faults with this narrative: deeply researched, Roberts trods through Salisbury's life, from his early days as a despondent young man, through to Parliamanent and the House of Lords, and eventually to the prime ministership, a position he occupies for more time against all but four other modern prime ministers. Salisbury is not the species of conservative deserving ignorance, like the Southern flamethrowers of antebellum times, but rather one that personifies an English aristocratic sense of the world, all but gone in the age of mass politics, social media, and declining cultural institutions like the Anglican Church. As much as readers may want to hate Salisbury for his conservatism, his biting attacks against political opponents, his backwards stance on Irish Home Rule and the rights of minorities within England, there is something magnetic about Salisbury as a historical figure. He is not so much Jefferson Davis as a combination of Richard Nixon's political senses and Ronald Reagan's feel for the conservative zeitgeist. Like Reagan, Salisbury fundamentally transforms the political scene he occupies, leading the Conservative Party towards consistent electoral victories and a beloved place within many English hearts and minds.
Salisbury speaks to the current generation, as a man of principle who, thought laden with outdated ideas, was always sure of what was right and worth fighting for, and what was good but not fighting for. Would 1914 have descended into the opening of oblivion with Salisbury at the helm? It is impossible to answer, but unlikely given the man's deftness in handling alliances and preventing England from becoming enmeshed in sentimental alliances.
Gladstone and Disareli may be the great showmen of Victorian English politics; Salisbury, though, appears as the greater defender of principle and example of just how much someone without a so-called political vision and imagination can accomplish.
Andrew Roberts, in line with his biographies of Winston Churchill and King George III, has made a supreme addition to British history and biography, unearthing Salisbury as one of the three great figures of Victorian politics, alongside the better-known Gladstone and Disraeli. Salisbury was above all a conservative, but not a doctrinaire one - despite fighting against the 1867 Reform Act (which would have opened by voting rights to the middle classes), Salisbury comes around to supporting the Third Reform Act, seeing middle class suburbanites as an attractive addition to the voter rolls and a strengthening against the socialist tendencies of urban voting crowds. In diplomacy, Salisbury exhibited precisely the same "conservative flexibility," defending British interests at key points in the Sudan and South Africa, and carving up other areas of Africa to promote a balanced and peaceful European power dynamic. Through it all, Salisbury is principled, but pragmatic in how those principles should be manifest in the political and dipomatic worlds of the 19th Century.
Readers accustomed to Roberts's style will find no faults with this narrative: deeply researched, Roberts trods through Salisbury's life, from his early days as a despondent young man, through to Parliamanent and the House of Lords, and eventually to the prime ministership, a position he occupies for more time against all but four other modern prime ministers. Salisbury is not the species of conservative deserving ignorance, like the Southern flamethrowers of antebellum times, but rather one that personifies an English aristocratic sense of the world, all but gone in the age of mass politics, social media, and declining cultural institutions like the Anglican Church. As much as readers may want to hate Salisbury for his conservatism, his biting attacks against political opponents, his backwards stance on Irish Home Rule and the rights of minorities within England, there is something magnetic about Salisbury as a historical figure. He is not so much Jefferson Davis as a combination of Richard Nixon's political senses and Ronald Reagan's feel for the conservative zeitgeist. Like Reagan, Salisbury fundamentally transforms the political scene he occupies, leading the Conservative Party towards consistent electoral victories and a beloved place within many English hearts and minds.
Salisbury speaks to the current generation, as a man of principle who, thought laden with outdated ideas, was always sure of what was right and worth fighting for, and what was good but not fighting for. Would 1914 have descended into the opening of oblivion with Salisbury at the helm? It is impossible to answer, but unlikely given the man's deftness in handling alliances and preventing England from becoming enmeshed in sentimental alliances.
Gladstone and Disareli may be the great showmen of Victorian English politics; Salisbury, though, appears as the greater defender of principle and example of just how much someone without a so-called political vision and imagination can accomplish.
June 10, 2025
I picked up this colossal biography to pick up a few research notes on a specific period but, a few pages in, surrendered to the joy of a really well written biography. Roberts recreates Salisbury’s world, and makes it curious and fascinating. Calling Salisbury a Titan seems fair - as important as Gladstone, and more so than Disraeli. It’s not his strengths that are engaging - more oddities, such as someone who was opposed to educating the working classes being the PM who introduced free primary schooling; a person of high moral who lied on multiple occasions when he suited him; someone who keenly felt his responsibility for a terrible famine in Orissa while being Secretary for India, but didn’t consider that India might be better off without her imperial overlords. His battles with Gladstone, Randolph Churchill and Joe Chamberlain are all good value. And some of the stories around it - protecting Albert Victor from the Cleveland St male brothel scandal; setting up Princess Mary to marry Prince Eddy, then switching her to his brother George; the brilliantly absurd Beaumont scandal and Prince Bertie; even the one eyed monoglot electrician he got to go to Paris and drive all the way back to Hatfield in his first motor car in 1901. A wonderful book, full of treasures.
February 26, 2022
I rarely put a book down, much less when I have read three-quarters of it, but I had to do so with Roberts’ effort to document every minute and thought and character in the life of the Victoria’s last Prime Minister. In my fourth week, I have realized that I am now past the phase where I want to read “the divinities account” of just about anything. If you decide on this one, know that it will be a slog.
June 28, 2020
An exemplary biography of an overlooked Victorian hero. Salisbury's life and times are woven together in a depth of detail that sets standards for what biographies should look like. Roberts is certainly sympathetic to Salisbury's "illiberal Tory" program, but this doesn't prevent him from critical analysis when it is warranted. Outstanding.
November 6, 2023
Written in 1999 it’s already dated and not critical enough but a good primer on a lot of topics. Salisbury is a forgotten PM but I can’t think of a more conservative’s conservative than him. Serving 13 years and having that reputation surprised me that he is not more known.
June 2, 2020
Proper history. Superb bio.
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