Christina Lamb OBE is one of Britain's leading foreign correspondents. She has been named Foreign Correspondent of the Year five times in the British Press Awards and What the Papers Say Awards and in 2007 was winner of the Prix Bayeux Calvados - one of the world's most prestigious prizes for war correspondents, for her reporting from Afghanistan.
She has won numerous other awards starting with Young Journalist of the Year in the British Press Awards for her coverage of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in 1988; was part of the News Reporter of the year for BCCI; and won the Foreign Press Association award for reporting on Zimbabwean teachers forced into prostitution, and Amnesty International award for the plight of street children in Rio.
She was named by Grazia magazine as one of their Icons of the Decade and by She magazine as one of Britain's Most Inspirational Women. The ASHA foundation chose her as one of their inspirational women worldwide www.asha-foundation.org with her portrait featuring in a special exhibition in the National Portrait Gallery. Her portrait has also been in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. She was awarded the OBE in the 2013.
Christina Lamb was a young journalist,reporting on knitting exhibitions in Britain.That bored her,and so she came to Pakistan in the 1980s.One thing is for sure,she wouldn't have got bored.Something or the other was always happening here.
I took a look at this book again.It seems to have been revised from the paper edition I had from years ago.Her tone is condescending and there are plenty of negative observations about Pakistan.However,for a young woman in her twenties,she still wrote a pretty well researched book and enjoyed access to a number of key figures in Pakistan,including Benazir Bhutto.
She starts off with an account of Benazir's wedding,being simultaneously "fascinated and repelled" by the "tamasha".After that,she questions the reasons for the very formation of Pakistan.I found that very off-putting.
Then,she goes into Pakistan's political history till that point.She looks at Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and his policies and takes a pretty good,critical look.Then she moves to the Zia era and acknowledges that Zia was a master strategist and had created a constituency.Of course,there is plenty of criticism of Zia as well.She is also very critical of Pakistan's bureaucracy.
She also analyses Zia's plane crash,noting that both the US and the USSR were happy to see the end of him.That paved the way for Benazir's success in the 1988 election.
Although she acknowledges that the Benazir government didn't do much and was subject to plenty of corruption allegations,she doesn't get too critical of Benazir herself.
The book also has a chapter about the MQM violence in Karachi and Hyderabad (substantially trimmed from the rambling account of my paper edition).
She has encounters with politicians,she travels to remote places including interior Sind,where dacoits dominated.There are many anecdotes.It is a rather interesting book.
Then she looks at the Afghan conflict during the Soviet occupation (she travelled there and later became a frequent visitor,with a very soft spot for the Afghan fighters).There is also a chapter on India,"the dragon at the door."
The general tone of the book is not Pakistan friendly.But there are quite a few valid observations as well about what ails Pakistan's politics and society.Thirty years on,the more things change,the more they stay the same.
The story of BB's rise and fall was without any doubt one of the best political sagas of 1980s. After 11 years of military rule, Pakistan was in a mess and BB seemed to be the only hope. A large section of the army did all it could to prevent elections taking place after Zia's death and to prevent BB from winning. It was with reluctance and heavy US pressure, after midnight negotiations among go-betweens they allowed her to become the first women Prime Minister of Pakistan.
On 6 August, 1990 while all the eyes of the world were on the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, BB's first government was dismissed by the President. Rulers in Pakistan did not come to power through popular will but because powerful institutions decided that they will. Even Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who had swept the polls in 1970 had faced resistance from some factions of the army and had only been allowed to assume office in 1971 because the military was demoralized by its third defeat against India, resulting in the loss of Bangladesh, and junior officers had refused to take orders from seniors who had surrendered disgracefully.
Benazir had taken over after a similar crisis in the army when most of the top command were killed in a mysterious air crash. Benazir's challenge was to present the illusion of change to the people while reassuring the army, civil service, business community and important Western allies that if the party were to win power it would not upset the status-quo.
An elected politician in Pakistan enjoys almost deified status able to allocate land plots and development licences to those he/she favors; a politician out of power becomes at best a marginal drawing room celebrity. To retain the local influence necessary for the survival of feudal families it is critical for them to have someone in a position of political power. The real power in Pakistan comes from the number of people one commands and the amount of patronage at one's disposal. The politician may be seen to dispense patronage but it is to the bureaucrats they turn to arrange it.
Having passed through the first stage of peaceful transition to power to BB, no one it seemed had told the politicians that after elections they were supposed to stop engineering and get on with governing.
Baluchistan's past exclusion from state power and thus patronage is reflected in a literary rate of only 6% and share in industrialization of less than 1%, while per capita income is only half of the Punjab despite the fact that it is the repository of most of Pakistan's mineral resources. The life of the sardars in the 1990s is one of strange contradiction. While tribesman fell at their feet and touch the hems of their shirts, the new generation of sardars were modernizing than slaying foes in the mountains. But their power continues because tribesman have more faith in the tribal system than the government administration where cases can takes years to come to court and corruption is rife.
The landlords and capitalists allowed the clergy to make Pakistan a religious state, the clergy allowed the landlords guaranteed property rights and the capitalist's unbridled control over the economy. Theocracy and landlordism/capitalism are the two pillars of Pakistan. No matter who comes to power, whether the leader be in uniform or not, these two things will never be tempered with. Anyone making even a mild effect to change these two rights is removed from power.
Christina Lamb has written this book very clearly with a purpose to introduce an non-Pakistani about inner workings and failures of the state experiment called 'Pakistan'. I think no other best book can be found on the subject of politics and social conditions of Pakistan about the period she wrote about. Christina lamb's book is though lacking flow and pace of prose, still this can be easily forgiven considering the beautiful and incisive analysis of the Pakistani society, I highly recommend to read this book if anybody is interested to know why Pakistani state is now in such a mess I wish Mrs. Lamb again visit Pakistan this time in 2017 and see one of the characters in her Book 'Nawaz Sharif' in the role of Benazir Bhutto and his opponent Imran Khan is playing nearly same role as Sharif played against Benazir Bhutto as pro establishment(military bureaucracy and feudal) politician this is like historical table has turned now Sharif playing victim card as played by Benazir Bhutto, this would be great starting point for Christina lamb to once again report this spectacle.
Myopic point of view. Criticism should be welcomed but at times it feels like the author looks down on brown folks. Colonialism may have died but the mindset is very much alive. This book reeks of savior complex and internalised white supremacy (which in my opinion is when a person does not like to admit their privilege and may even condemn it outwardly, but deep down enjoys it very much). In my view, any person who views the world in Black and White is as good as blind. The author views Pakistan in black and white, more black than white and completely fails to even acknowledge the greys and the blues and greens. She sells well in the West because her views conform to western perceptions and I guess people don't like their views to be challenged.
In my country, the ones at the helm of power, allow only Western ones to come close and lay hands on information. The books depicts the enough truth about how wrong things started and continuing in Pakistan. It unveils the real purposes of Government's strategic decisions or National interests.
Though Benazir's first term in Islamabad is center of this piece, the book presents a bird eye view glimpse of Pakistan's history since it's date of birth. How does an alien to this very country's politics look at it? Unlike other authors like H. Haqqani, who only put blame on Military and Mulla Alliance for the failure of democracy in Pakistan, Lamb also highlights in-competency and hypocrisy of political elite. Comparing sky-high promises of Mrs. Bhutto with ground facts, while roaming in interior Sindh or war-torned mountains of Afghanistan, was a task done well. Not only she mentions political aspirations of men in Khaaki, the culture of bribery, nepotism and corruption of politicians also gets the space in this book which it deserved.
Author visited Pakistan on the invitation of Mrs. Bhutto and was deported during Bhutto's government on the allegations of anti-democracy activities. Her refusal to involve personal relations with Bhutto while criticizing her government itself says a lot about her objectivity. Overall, a good book and worth a read.
A deep insight in the politics and lifestyle of Pakistanis. It portrayed the view of people of that time and the situation of those past years when Pakistan was struggling and the seeds of evil were being sown. Pakistan democracy is still suffering from the decisions took in the era the book is written in. Thanks to the author for answering the questions of a lot of people like HOW'S and WHAT'S and WHEN'S.
What an interesting read. A must read for those who want to understand politics of Pakistan. It provides a brief account of Pakistani unstable polity, the role of army, the Baluchistan and the Sindh issue and why Pakistan is not a sustainable democracy.
In simple words, what the author wrote for the 1980s and 1990s, still exists in the same fashion day. Great insight into the political life of Pakistan, and how Clerics and Army has played with the country.