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Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China, India, and Japan
With the world's fastest-growing markets, fastest-rising military expenditures, and most volatile hot spots, a resurgent Asia holds the key to the future global order. Facing complex security, energy, and developmental challenges in this era of globalization and ever-sharpening competition, a strong China, a strong India, and a strong Japan need to move beyond historical legacies and find ways to reconcile their interests in order to coexist peacefully and achieve greater prosperity.
In Asian Juggernaut, Brahma Chellaney, a renowned authority on Asia's political and economic development, explores this strategic triangle formed by Asia's three largest economies and offers a clear, insightful, and revelatory analysis of their cooperative future and pivotal role on the world stage.
In Asian Juggernaut, Brahma Chellaney, a renowned authority on Asia's political and economic development, explores this strategic triangle formed by Asia's three largest economies and offers a clear, insightful, and revelatory analysis of their cooperative future and pivotal role on the world stage.
350 pages, Paperback
First published March 19, 2010
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July 18, 2014
Brahma Chellaney’s Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China, India, and Japan (2010) seeks to illuminate the strategic relationships between the three nations and their impact on Asian geopolitics and economic development; and while it provides a number of fascinating and compelling facts and insights about the history and dynamics between China, India, and Japan, it ultimately fails to synthesize a credible set of solutions on how the three nations may resolve their strategic rivalries in order to move forward together in peaceful and prosperous co-existence.
The main thesis of Asian Juggernaut is that a renascent Asia, “with the world's fastest-growing markets, fastest-rising military expenditures, and most volatile hot spots”, is poised to take a central role on the world stage in shaping the global future. However, the region faces “complex security, energy, and development challenges” as China, India, and Japan struggle to balance their interests against each other and assert themselves in the newly-emerging global order.
One of my main complaints with the book is that it seems to thoroughly lack proper editing. Asian Juggernaut is poorly organized and lacks a clear overarching framework for discussion. Many ideas float about without any sort of structure to put them together in order which makes it very difficult to follow the flow of the book.
At other times, the author fails to even develop the ideas he introduces. One of the most interesting scenarios brought up by the author was the formation of a "constellation of democracies round China that are tied together by mutually beneficial strategic partnerships" to balance Chinese assertiveness. However, this idea was only mentioned briefly and treated to less than two paragraphs at the conclusion of one section which was incredibly disappointing. Later on, the issue of shared environmental challenges and opportunities for cooperation between the three nations is raised for the first time and subsequently abandoned within the breadth of a single paragraph. This is surprising considering that water access is poised to become a significant challenge for many parts in Asia in the near future and thus a possible major point of contention. Chellaney himself acknowledges that a new Great Game over water might play out but apparently this does not entitle the issue to more in-depth elaboration.
The book is also somewhat repetitive both in content and language. I have lost count of the number of times I have read about how China's rapid ascent is threatening Japan's security interests, or how aggressive nationalistic sentiments are destabilizing the region, or how India needs to consolidate its national power by moving away from populist politics and setting clear long-term goals. There is a clear line between assigning adequate emphasis to important concepts and ideas and degenerating into tedium and Chellaney has travelled far beyond that border in my personal opinion.
Chellaney suggests that greater cooperation between all three nations is necessary to stabilize relations and to prosper and this much should be obvious even to non-experts. However, he fails to credibly support the feasibility of such greater cooperation occurring between the three rival powers or how it might be brought about. For instance, Chellaney very blithely suggests that China and Japan relinquish their individual claims on the Diaoyu/Senkaku island chain despite their strong nationalistic ties in favor of joint development of the region’s energy resources. I would have appreciated a clearer and more thorough analysis of each nation’s current motives and incentives and how those factors may be shifted to favor closer cooperation with each other instead of the rushed summary offered by the author in the last few sections of the book.
In spite of these criticisms, I did enjoy reading much of the book and found it rich in material. The book is well-supported by citations including appendices which would be a wellspring of information for anyone interested in researching particular subjects in greater depth. I was particularly impressed by the chapter on the “Asian Geopolitics of Energy”. It was very fascinating to learn about how each nation was maneuvering against each other on a global scale to secure their own energy future. Chellaney’s extensive account of China and India's ongoing territorial disputes since the early 1960s was also engrossing as it gave me great insight into the Chinese diplomatic and strategic mindset. It was intriguing to learn about China’s successful strategic encirclement of India through its annexation of Tibet, accumulation of military assets along their amorphous Himalayan border, extension of military training and support including WMDs to Pakistan, and ongoing efforts to facilitate the projection of naval power into the Indian Ocean. I found it very relevant considering my own country’s current maritime disputes with China. I believe that many parallels may be drawn between the Philippine and Indian experience such as China’s overt manipulation of history to press its claims and its insistence on avoiding any clear resolutions to maintain strategic pressure. Sadly, India’s failure to resolve its territorial dispute with China offers no comfort regarding my own country’s efforts to secure the integrity of our territory.
Before concluding this review, I would like to note that Asian Juggernaut is very much written from an Indian point of view with the dynamics between China and India given disproportionate attention at the expense of Japan. China and Pakistan are painted largely in black and white as aggressors while India is portrayed as a victim guilty only of weak and gullible leadership. The bias does not interfere too much with the content of the book so long as readers remain critical of the text and, in any case, it is refreshing to see an analysis of modern Asian geopolitics with particular emphasis on China from a viewpoint different from that of the United States.
Overall, though I would not recommend the book to others except as a resource to skim through, I cannot argue that Asian Juggernaut has deepened my knowledge regarding current Asian geopolitical dynamics and has enriched my understanding of the power relations between the three most principal players in the region and how they might influence our future development.
The main thesis of Asian Juggernaut is that a renascent Asia, “with the world's fastest-growing markets, fastest-rising military expenditures, and most volatile hot spots”, is poised to take a central role on the world stage in shaping the global future. However, the region faces “complex security, energy, and development challenges” as China, India, and Japan struggle to balance their interests against each other and assert themselves in the newly-emerging global order.
One of my main complaints with the book is that it seems to thoroughly lack proper editing. Asian Juggernaut is poorly organized and lacks a clear overarching framework for discussion. Many ideas float about without any sort of structure to put them together in order which makes it very difficult to follow the flow of the book.
At other times, the author fails to even develop the ideas he introduces. One of the most interesting scenarios brought up by the author was the formation of a "constellation of democracies round China that are tied together by mutually beneficial strategic partnerships" to balance Chinese assertiveness. However, this idea was only mentioned briefly and treated to less than two paragraphs at the conclusion of one section which was incredibly disappointing. Later on, the issue of shared environmental challenges and opportunities for cooperation between the three nations is raised for the first time and subsequently abandoned within the breadth of a single paragraph. This is surprising considering that water access is poised to become a significant challenge for many parts in Asia in the near future and thus a possible major point of contention. Chellaney himself acknowledges that a new Great Game over water might play out but apparently this does not entitle the issue to more in-depth elaboration.
The book is also somewhat repetitive both in content and language. I have lost count of the number of times I have read about how China's rapid ascent is threatening Japan's security interests, or how aggressive nationalistic sentiments are destabilizing the region, or how India needs to consolidate its national power by moving away from populist politics and setting clear long-term goals. There is a clear line between assigning adequate emphasis to important concepts and ideas and degenerating into tedium and Chellaney has travelled far beyond that border in my personal opinion.
Chellaney suggests that greater cooperation between all three nations is necessary to stabilize relations and to prosper and this much should be obvious even to non-experts. However, he fails to credibly support the feasibility of such greater cooperation occurring between the three rival powers or how it might be brought about. For instance, Chellaney very blithely suggests that China and Japan relinquish their individual claims on the Diaoyu/Senkaku island chain despite their strong nationalistic ties in favor of joint development of the region’s energy resources. I would have appreciated a clearer and more thorough analysis of each nation’s current motives and incentives and how those factors may be shifted to favor closer cooperation with each other instead of the rushed summary offered by the author in the last few sections of the book.
In spite of these criticisms, I did enjoy reading much of the book and found it rich in material. The book is well-supported by citations including appendices which would be a wellspring of information for anyone interested in researching particular subjects in greater depth. I was particularly impressed by the chapter on the “Asian Geopolitics of Energy”. It was very fascinating to learn about how each nation was maneuvering against each other on a global scale to secure their own energy future. Chellaney’s extensive account of China and India's ongoing territorial disputes since the early 1960s was also engrossing as it gave me great insight into the Chinese diplomatic and strategic mindset. It was intriguing to learn about China’s successful strategic encirclement of India through its annexation of Tibet, accumulation of military assets along their amorphous Himalayan border, extension of military training and support including WMDs to Pakistan, and ongoing efforts to facilitate the projection of naval power into the Indian Ocean. I found it very relevant considering my own country’s current maritime disputes with China. I believe that many parallels may be drawn between the Philippine and Indian experience such as China’s overt manipulation of history to press its claims and its insistence on avoiding any clear resolutions to maintain strategic pressure. Sadly, India’s failure to resolve its territorial dispute with China offers no comfort regarding my own country’s efforts to secure the integrity of our territory.
Before concluding this review, I would like to note that Asian Juggernaut is very much written from an Indian point of view with the dynamics between China and India given disproportionate attention at the expense of Japan. China and Pakistan are painted largely in black and white as aggressors while India is portrayed as a victim guilty only of weak and gullible leadership. The bias does not interfere too much with the content of the book so long as readers remain critical of the text and, in any case, it is refreshing to see an analysis of modern Asian geopolitics with particular emphasis on China from a viewpoint different from that of the United States.
Overall, though I would not recommend the book to others except as a resource to skim through, I cannot argue that Asian Juggernaut has deepened my knowledge regarding current Asian geopolitical dynamics and has enriched my understanding of the power relations between the three most principal players in the region and how they might influence our future development.
March 14, 2012
As an avid China observer, it’s always interesting to read assessments of the Middle Kingdom by researchers other than those residing in the United States. Indeed, much of the research on China these days are carried out by American think tanks and academic institutions. This shouldn’t come as a surprise as the Americans are probably some of the ones most concerned by China’s rise to power, and its impact on the US’ present super power status.
I’ve read numerous novels by Indian writers; this also includes books written by members of the Indian diaspora across the world, like Salman Rushdie, Arundhati Roy, and my all time favourite, Jhumpa Lahiri. I love them all. Sometimes even my dreams have Indian settings (more Mississippi Masala-like, and less Bollywood) or feature people speaking language that sounds Hindi, or Tamil, or an Indian sub-continent dialect of some sort.
But when it comes to academic analyses by Indian scholars, I have admittedly been ignorant of developments on “that side” of the Indian Ocean. It’s embarrassing, but the closest I’d probably get to an Indian perspective would be that of Amitav Acharya, a Canadian scholar born in India. And even then, it is most likely that I’d learn more about Southeast Asian perspectives on international affairs (or even Canadian) rather than views from the sub-continent.
Therefore, it was with much anticipation that I read Brahma Chellaney’s “Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China, India, and Japan”. Using the backdrop of the rise of an Asian Century, Chellaney elaborates on the roles that China, India, and Japan will have in shaping international politics in the years to come.
Over the years, these three Asian juggernauts have evolved to become economic powerhouses. China is the world’s manufacturing capital; India is the largest democracy in the world; and Japan remains as a technological mover in spite of its recent economic woes. At a glance, there is much hope for cooperation towards developing peace and stability in a globalized and more interconnected Asia. However, in spite of the network of bilateral cooperation existing among them, the potential for conflicts (particularly involving China) will be the determinant factor in these countries’ role in the Asia Pacific region.
Much of Chellaney’s attention is devoted to an analysis of China’s rise, particularly in reference to India’s effort (or lack thereof) to deal with this phenomenon. Chellaney is critical of the way in which Indian leaders have appeared weak in the face of China’s challenge. He calls iconic Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru “an unabashed panda-hugger” and argues that the present inferiority complex is a direct result of previous leaders’ “credulity and negligence” vis-à-vis China.
Therefore, in order to balance the rise of an undemocratic and irredentist China, Chellaney proposes greater cooperation between India and Japan, both in economic and politico-security terms. In overcoming the political and security problems that vis-à-vis Red China, India and Japan are a perfect match. In economic terms, they are complementary, thus allowing for mutual support in each other’s continued development and industrialization. They are both democracies, sharing ideals which are inherently peaceful. And most importantly, they have a common enemy in the form of China.
Not only that, Chellaney even suggests the possibility of a Washington-Tokyo-New Delhi axis to “forestall the preeminence that China covets in Asia”. Basically, in his view, an Asia-Pacific dominated by China would spell disaster for every single country in the region, and most importantly, India. This is not the first time that I’m hearing such an argument. However, it is interesting that this is the type of argument that I am getting from my first experience in Indian views on China.
Indeed, while it may have not been Chellaney’s original intention, his book would fit as nice addition to the “China threat” discourse that has been running around in the western academic circles. And while Chellaney tries his best to give off an optimist outlook on regional cooperation in the coming years, the emphasis on China’s accumulation of power assumes otherwise.
If we are to regard Chellaney’s argument as representative of India’s mindset, then we would see a country that is under the threat of China’s siege efforts. Chellaney paints India as a country that is reaching out for partnerships in order to counter the rising power of China, and its negative implications on Indian statehood and survival. A country which needs to “develop a comprehensive national power while steering clear of China’s negative nationalistic elements and its mix of crony capitalism and widespread, state dispensed patronage”. A country that needs to pull its boot-straps up in facing the challenges of today’s globalized world.
For me, another glaring point about Chellaney’s argument is that while he talks about the future shaping of the Asia-Pacific region, there is very little (almost none) reference to ASEAN, let alone Indonesia. I do wonder. Is it because of Chellaney’s preference to highlight India’s role in the new make-up of the region? Or is it because our part of the region just doesn’t register in the mind of an Indian scholar like him (a well-known scholar, for that matter)?
This then brings me back to the beginning of this article. Much has been said with regards to the lack of cooperation between ASEAN and India, and more so between Indonesia and India. During the East Asian Summit in Bali last Novermber, it was almost obvious to whom the stage belonged: Indonesia, the USA, and China.
I’m maybe part of this problem, as a result of my continued ignorance on the India’s potential to shape the Asia-Pacific regional architecture. I’m also guilty for believing that India’s geographical position is just too far to matter, and too distant to influence the hustle and bustle of East Asian politics.
But if this is so, then wouldn’t Chellaney also be guilty for under-estimating Southeast Asia’s role (and more importantly, Indonesia’s role) in a world dominated by the rise of the Asian Juggernauts? I guess, there’s much that we can learn from each other in our search for a more comprehensive view of the region.
I’ve read numerous novels by Indian writers; this also includes books written by members of the Indian diaspora across the world, like Salman Rushdie, Arundhati Roy, and my all time favourite, Jhumpa Lahiri. I love them all. Sometimes even my dreams have Indian settings (more Mississippi Masala-like, and less Bollywood) or feature people speaking language that sounds Hindi, or Tamil, or an Indian sub-continent dialect of some sort.
But when it comes to academic analyses by Indian scholars, I have admittedly been ignorant of developments on “that side” of the Indian Ocean. It’s embarrassing, but the closest I’d probably get to an Indian perspective would be that of Amitav Acharya, a Canadian scholar born in India. And even then, it is most likely that I’d learn more about Southeast Asian perspectives on international affairs (or even Canadian) rather than views from the sub-continent.
Therefore, it was with much anticipation that I read Brahma Chellaney’s “Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China, India, and Japan”. Using the backdrop of the rise of an Asian Century, Chellaney elaborates on the roles that China, India, and Japan will have in shaping international politics in the years to come.
Over the years, these three Asian juggernauts have evolved to become economic powerhouses. China is the world’s manufacturing capital; India is the largest democracy in the world; and Japan remains as a technological mover in spite of its recent economic woes. At a glance, there is much hope for cooperation towards developing peace and stability in a globalized and more interconnected Asia. However, in spite of the network of bilateral cooperation existing among them, the potential for conflicts (particularly involving China) will be the determinant factor in these countries’ role in the Asia Pacific region.
Much of Chellaney’s attention is devoted to an analysis of China’s rise, particularly in reference to India’s effort (or lack thereof) to deal with this phenomenon. Chellaney is critical of the way in which Indian leaders have appeared weak in the face of China’s challenge. He calls iconic Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru “an unabashed panda-hugger” and argues that the present inferiority complex is a direct result of previous leaders’ “credulity and negligence” vis-à-vis China.
Therefore, in order to balance the rise of an undemocratic and irredentist China, Chellaney proposes greater cooperation between India and Japan, both in economic and politico-security terms. In overcoming the political and security problems that vis-à-vis Red China, India and Japan are a perfect match. In economic terms, they are complementary, thus allowing for mutual support in each other’s continued development and industrialization. They are both democracies, sharing ideals which are inherently peaceful. And most importantly, they have a common enemy in the form of China.
Not only that, Chellaney even suggests the possibility of a Washington-Tokyo-New Delhi axis to “forestall the preeminence that China covets in Asia”. Basically, in his view, an Asia-Pacific dominated by China would spell disaster for every single country in the region, and most importantly, India. This is not the first time that I’m hearing such an argument. However, it is interesting that this is the type of argument that I am getting from my first experience in Indian views on China.
Indeed, while it may have not been Chellaney’s original intention, his book would fit as nice addition to the “China threat” discourse that has been running around in the western academic circles. And while Chellaney tries his best to give off an optimist outlook on regional cooperation in the coming years, the emphasis on China’s accumulation of power assumes otherwise.
If we are to regard Chellaney’s argument as representative of India’s mindset, then we would see a country that is under the threat of China’s siege efforts. Chellaney paints India as a country that is reaching out for partnerships in order to counter the rising power of China, and its negative implications on Indian statehood and survival. A country which needs to “develop a comprehensive national power while steering clear of China’s negative nationalistic elements and its mix of crony capitalism and widespread, state dispensed patronage”. A country that needs to pull its boot-straps up in facing the challenges of today’s globalized world.
For me, another glaring point about Chellaney’s argument is that while he talks about the future shaping of the Asia-Pacific region, there is very little (almost none) reference to ASEAN, let alone Indonesia. I do wonder. Is it because of Chellaney’s preference to highlight India’s role in the new make-up of the region? Or is it because our part of the region just doesn’t register in the mind of an Indian scholar like him (a well-known scholar, for that matter)?
This then brings me back to the beginning of this article. Much has been said with regards to the lack of cooperation between ASEAN and India, and more so between Indonesia and India. During the East Asian Summit in Bali last Novermber, it was almost obvious to whom the stage belonged: Indonesia, the USA, and China.
I’m maybe part of this problem, as a result of my continued ignorance on the India’s potential to shape the Asia-Pacific regional architecture. I’m also guilty for believing that India’s geographical position is just too far to matter, and too distant to influence the hustle and bustle of East Asian politics.
But if this is so, then wouldn’t Chellaney also be guilty for under-estimating Southeast Asia’s role (and more importantly, Indonesia’s role) in a world dominated by the rise of the Asian Juggernauts? I guess, there’s much that we can learn from each other in our search for a more comprehensive view of the region.
December 16, 2012
Brahma Chellaney in Asian Juggernaut paints a complex picture. On one hand, Asia has the world's fastest growing markets, rising military expenditures and most volatile hot spots.
This leads Chellany to champion that Asia holds the key to the future global order. Asia's three big powers (China, India, and Japan) have formed a strategic triangle that is likely to have a massive impact on global affairs for decades to come.
I say the picture is complex because this isn't another Asian Godzilla attacks the rest of the world book, but rather a far more cautious and guarded assessment. Yes, China, India, and Japan are powerful nations--both in terms of economic output and global clout.
However, the Asian rise is far from a dichotomous affair as global competition for resources and various territorial disputes threaten to make Asia a place of great conflict. Asia is only a juggernaut if the tiger can stay out of its' own way.
This leads Chellany to champion that Asia holds the key to the future global order. Asia's three big powers (China, India, and Japan) have formed a strategic triangle that is likely to have a massive impact on global affairs for decades to come.
I say the picture is complex because this isn't another Asian Godzilla attacks the rest of the world book, but rather a far more cautious and guarded assessment. Yes, China, India, and Japan are powerful nations--both in terms of economic output and global clout.
However, the Asian rise is far from a dichotomous affair as global competition for resources and various territorial disputes threaten to make Asia a place of great conflict. Asia is only a juggernaut if the tiger can stay out of its' own way.
September 27, 2013
A fascinating read about the geopolitical impact of China establishing itself as the key global player, economically and militarily. Analysing Middle Kingdom's supposed contempt for India while in alliance with Pakistan, its somewhat diabolical economic interdependency with the US, the demand for Taiwan's return to its motherland, the competition for energy in the region and last but not least, the resentment towards the Japanese as a result of the Sino-Japanese war, it paints a clear picture of the current challenging state of affairs while offering recommendations on how the 3 Asian juggernauts should play their cards in order to rise peacefully. Backed by proper citations including appendices of the various bilateral agreements and memorandums, it is insightful and indeed, well worth the time.
December 12, 2013
Chellaney's discussion of challenges facing Asia, with particular regard to China, India and Japan, was at times interesting and instructive. It was written very much from an Indian point of view, with extensive criticism of China and Pakistan. Japan was generally praised and India was conveyed as a noble and righteous nation prone to weakness and being too nice. Chellaney sometimes made the same points again and again and the overall effect on the reader (at least in this case) was of a rather one-sided discussion.
In summary: somewhat interesting, but somewhat lacking in terms of comprehensiveness, leaving one rather unsatisfied.
In summary: somewhat interesting, but somewhat lacking in terms of comprehensiveness, leaving one rather unsatisfied.
November 8, 2011
Very Accessible, and covers a broad range of issues Asia is facing. It had a pro-India bias running through it, but as long as you recognize it and think critically, it is not a problem. I only wish he had included more information on Japan. It always felt like Japan was added as an afterthought, despite claiming it was an integral part of the balance of power equation in Asia.
February 20, 2015
The book offers a sharp yet erudite overview of the emerging geopolitics of Asia at a time when the rise of an increasingly muscular China is altering intra-Asian equations and affecting world politics and economy. The rise of China is central to the book. This is a must read for any policy practicioner, scholar, student or lay reader interested in where Asia is headed.
November 8, 2012
Japan, China, and India are becoming major world economic powers to include manufacturing, tech support, and oil production. China has bought up may petrolem leases in the United States, especially for recent massive finds in Texas and the West. China is also a major debt holder for the USA.
March 18, 2015
Asian Juggernaut offers a geostrategic overview of Asia's security challenges and opportunities. Asia will shape our future world order. This lucidly written book, with its insightful and masterly analysis, is required reading for anyone wishing to understand where Asia is headed.
Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews