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Justice Interruptus
Refuting the argument to choose between "the politics of recognition" and the "politics of redistribution," Justice Interruptus integrates the best aspects of both. ********************************************************* ** What does it mean to think critically about politics at a time when inequality is increasing worldwide, when struggles for the recognition of difference are eclipsing struggles for social equality, and when we lack any credible vision of an alternative to the present order? Philosopher Nancy Fraser claims that the key is to overcome the false oppositions of "postsocialist" commonsense. Refuting the view that we must choose between "the politics of recognition" and the "politics of redistribution," Fraser argues for an integrative approach that encompasses the best aspects of both.
252 pages, Paperback
First published December 1, 1996
13 people are currently reading
262 people want to read
About the author
Nancy Fraser
148 books450 followersNancy Fraser is an American critical theorist, currently the Henry A. and Louise Loeb Professor of Political and Social Science and professor of philosophy at The New School in New York City. Fraser earned her PhD in philosophy from the CUNY Graduate Center and taught in the philosophy department at Northwestern University for many years before moving to the New School.
Librarian Note: There is more than one author with this name in the Goodreads database.
Librarian Note: There is more than one author with this name in the Goodreads database.
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Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews
July 18, 2010
A enjoyable range of essays on a range of issues, what I love is the constant attempt to evaluate theory in terms of its practical and emancipatory possibilities, can it in fact enable us to achieve the world we want? She struggles with bringing together critical theory and postmodernism/structuralism in a very fruitful way, using language that can reach the broadest audience possible in line with her own politics, and in my opinion tackles some of the most important issues faced by the radical left...sadly enough really, because she wrote this 13 years ago now.
January 11, 2022
Like most essay collections, it oscillates between brilliant portions and pure filler.
July 10, 2025
Honestamente, eu só gostei MUITO da primeira parte, que é a reformulação de um artigo que ela publicou em 1995 (o livro é de 1997).
As outras duas partes são boas, mas falam muito mais sobre concepções de feminismos do que de teoria da justiça em si.
Mas é um bom livro, eu daria 3.5
As outras duas partes são boas, mas falam muito mais sobre concepções de feminismos do que de teoria da justiça em si.
Mas é um bom livro, eu daria 3.5
November 24, 2017
Nancy Fraser has given remedies to solve the problem of two types of injustices - economic injustice and cultural injustice meted out to the marginalised collectives. But, the major focus is on the bivalent collectives and what remedies are proper in order to fete justice to bivalent collectives like gender or race who face both kind of injustices - economic as well as cultural.
Fraser has intentionally complexed her writings as she herself isn’t able to arrive at a conclusion. Her post-socialist critique is to the point and accurate. A nice read it is.
Fraser has intentionally complexed her writings as she herself isn’t able to arrive at a conclusion. Her post-socialist critique is to the point and accurate. A nice read it is.
November 30, 2021
Fraser já levantava questões muito pertinentes já na década de 90. Livro fenomenal, ainda que em certo sentido, um pouco datado, mas ainda extremamente relevante.
February 29, 2020
Things that I think should be highlighted from the book.
1. Fraser argues how status quo (in 1974) were dwelled in identity politics. This resulted into decoupling of cultural politics from social politics. This was problematic because it limits the option to address justice. She believed that economic injustice and cultural injustice is intertwined, thus redistributing income, reorganizing the division of labor and transforming economic structure is critical. Even though these analyses lack practical elaboration.
2. There is a significant concept of difference, equality, and equity. Equality meaning that treating women exactly like men. This is problematic because equality presuppose “the male as norms”. She argued that it entails treating women exactly like men according to male-defined standards will disadvantaged women as it doesn’t acknowledge and recognize the substantial difference between women and men.
3. Seven normative principle of gender equity:
a. The antipoverty principle: prevent poverty in achieving gender equity. More care for solo-mother family
b. The anti exploitation principle: preventing exploitation of vulnerable people to achieve equity. Needy women with no other way to feed themselves and their children, for example, are liable to exploitation by abusive husbands, by sweatshop foramen, and by pimps. Welfare provision should aim to mitigate exploitable dependency. The availability of an alternative source of income enhances the bargaining position of subordinates in unequal relationships. The non-employed wife who knows she can support herself and her children outside her marriage has more leverage within it.
c. The income-equality principle: distribution of real per capita income. Women suffer from “hidden poverty” due to unequal distribution within families. This rules the unequal pay for equal work and undervaluation of women’s labor and skills.
d. The leisure-time-equality principle: equal distribution of leisure time. Women engage both in paid work and unpaid primary care work simultaneously and women are more likely to suffer disproportionately from “time poverty”. Women “felt tired most of the time””. It is unfair because men only require a single shift for men and a double shift work for women.
e. The equality-of-respect principle: Equality of respect requires recognition of women’s personhood and recognition of women’s work. Currently women are only seen as sexual objects for the pleasure of male subjects. The principle of equal respect rules out social arrangements that objectify and deprecate women.
f. The anti-marginalization principle: Social policy should promote women’s full participation on a par with men in all areas of social life – in employment, in politics, in the associational life of civil society. Women shall not be enclaved in a separate domestic sphere nor removed from the life of the larger society. This requires provision of the necessary conditions for women’s participation, including day care, elder care, and provision for breast-feeding in public.
g. The Anti-androcentrism principle: Women ought not to assimilate to men. Social policy should not require women to become like men nor to fit into institutions designed for men in order to enjoy comparable levels of well-being.
4. In postindustrial society would give way to the age of the universal breadwinner. It aims to achieve gender equity principally by promoting women’s employment. The point is to enable women to support themselves and their families through their own wage-earning. The breadwinner role is to be universalized, in sum, so that women, too, can be citizen-workers. In order to do this, it requires major new programs and policies of employment-enabling services, such as day care and elder care aimed at freeing women from unpaid responsibilities so they could take full-time employment on terms comparable to men. Another essential element is a set of workplace reforms aimed at removing equal-opportunity obstacles, such as sex discrimination and sexual harassment. Reforming the workplace requires reforming the culture. None of this would work, however, without one additional ingredient; macroeconomic policies to create full-time, high-paying, permanent jobs for women. These would have to be true breadwinner jobs in the primary labor force, carrying full, first-class social insurance entitlements. Social insurance, finally, is central to Universal Breadwinner.
1. Fraser argues how status quo (in 1974) were dwelled in identity politics. This resulted into decoupling of cultural politics from social politics. This was problematic because it limits the option to address justice. She believed that economic injustice and cultural injustice is intertwined, thus redistributing income, reorganizing the division of labor and transforming economic structure is critical. Even though these analyses lack practical elaboration.
2. There is a significant concept of difference, equality, and equity. Equality meaning that treating women exactly like men. This is problematic because equality presuppose “the male as norms”. She argued that it entails treating women exactly like men according to male-defined standards will disadvantaged women as it doesn’t acknowledge and recognize the substantial difference between women and men.
3. Seven normative principle of gender equity:
a. The antipoverty principle: prevent poverty in achieving gender equity. More care for solo-mother family
b. The anti exploitation principle: preventing exploitation of vulnerable people to achieve equity. Needy women with no other way to feed themselves and their children, for example, are liable to exploitation by abusive husbands, by sweatshop foramen, and by pimps. Welfare provision should aim to mitigate exploitable dependency. The availability of an alternative source of income enhances the bargaining position of subordinates in unequal relationships. The non-employed wife who knows she can support herself and her children outside her marriage has more leverage within it.
c. The income-equality principle: distribution of real per capita income. Women suffer from “hidden poverty” due to unequal distribution within families. This rules the unequal pay for equal work and undervaluation of women’s labor and skills.
d. The leisure-time-equality principle: equal distribution of leisure time. Women engage both in paid work and unpaid primary care work simultaneously and women are more likely to suffer disproportionately from “time poverty”. Women “felt tired most of the time””. It is unfair because men only require a single shift for men and a double shift work for women.
e. The equality-of-respect principle: Equality of respect requires recognition of women’s personhood and recognition of women’s work. Currently women are only seen as sexual objects for the pleasure of male subjects. The principle of equal respect rules out social arrangements that objectify and deprecate women.
f. The anti-marginalization principle: Social policy should promote women’s full participation on a par with men in all areas of social life – in employment, in politics, in the associational life of civil society. Women shall not be enclaved in a separate domestic sphere nor removed from the life of the larger society. This requires provision of the necessary conditions for women’s participation, including day care, elder care, and provision for breast-feeding in public.
g. The Anti-androcentrism principle: Women ought not to assimilate to men. Social policy should not require women to become like men nor to fit into institutions designed for men in order to enjoy comparable levels of well-being.
4. In postindustrial society would give way to the age of the universal breadwinner. It aims to achieve gender equity principally by promoting women’s employment. The point is to enable women to support themselves and their families through their own wage-earning. The breadwinner role is to be universalized, in sum, so that women, too, can be citizen-workers. In order to do this, it requires major new programs and policies of employment-enabling services, such as day care and elder care aimed at freeing women from unpaid responsibilities so they could take full-time employment on terms comparable to men. Another essential element is a set of workplace reforms aimed at removing equal-opportunity obstacles, such as sex discrimination and sexual harassment. Reforming the workplace requires reforming the culture. None of this would work, however, without one additional ingredient; macroeconomic policies to create full-time, high-paying, permanent jobs for women. These would have to be true breadwinner jobs in the primary labor force, carrying full, first-class social insurance entitlements. Social insurance, finally, is central to Universal Breadwinner.
April 12, 2021
De acuerdo con todo menos con eso de que ser mujer puede llegar a ser un elemento periférico para algunas (además porque la interseccionalidad como herramienta feminista parte de análisis transversalmente a las mujeres)
Uh, y la discusión que le da a Fraser y que da sobre el trabajo sexual? 20/10. Fraser es maravillosa.
Uh, y la discusión que le da a Fraser y que da sobre el trabajo sexual? 20/10. Fraser es maravillosa.
October 26, 2022
Alguns dos textos são muito bons, em especial o que fala de democracia radical e o que prpcura analisar o dilema entre igualdade e diferenciação no âmbito das lutas identitárias e pós-socialistas. A maioria das análises tem como eixo o feminismo.
Want to read
April 6, 2024
January 1, 2026
no quiero hablar mas de este libro
June 22, 2007
nancy fraser is an interesting, if facile commentator on grander issues of politics; but an engaging critic of habermas. what a waste.
March 18, 2014
thoughtfully written critical theory(ies) of justice that gave me quite a bit to think about. the book is more a collection of essays that sometimes reads disjointed.
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews