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A World beyond Politics?: A Defense of the Nation-State
We live in the grip of a great illusion about politics, Pierre Manent argues in A World beyond Politics? It's the illusion that we would be better off without politics--at least national politics, and perhaps all politics. It is a fantasy that if democratic values could somehow detach themselves from their traditional national context, we could enter a world of pure democracy, where human society would be ruled solely according to law and morality. Borders would dissolve in unconditional internationalism and nations would collapse into supranational organizations such as the European Union. Free of the limits and sins of politics, we could finally attain the true life.
In contrast to these beliefs, which are especially widespread in Europe, Manent reasons that the political order is the key to the human order. Human life, in order to have force and meaning, must be concentrated in a particular political community, in which decisions are made through collective, creative debate. The best such community for democratic life, he argues, is still the nation-state.
Following the example of nineteenth-century political philosophers such as Alexis de Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill, Manent first describes a few essential features of democracy and the nation-state, and then shows how these characteristics illuminate many aspects of our present political circumstances. He ends by arguing that both democracy and the nation-state are under threat--from apolitical tendencies such as the cult of international commerce and attempts to replace democratic decisions with judicial procedures.
In contrast to these beliefs, which are especially widespread in Europe, Manent reasons that the political order is the key to the human order. Human life, in order to have force and meaning, must be concentrated in a particular political community, in which decisions are made through collective, creative debate. The best such community for democratic life, he argues, is still the nation-state.
Following the example of nineteenth-century political philosophers such as Alexis de Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill, Manent first describes a few essential features of democracy and the nation-state, and then shows how these characteristics illuminate many aspects of our present political circumstances. He ends by arguing that both democracy and the nation-state are under threat--from apolitical tendencies such as the cult of international commerce and attempts to replace democratic decisions with judicial procedures.
240 pages, Hardcover
First published July 3, 2006
105 people want to read
About the author
Pierre Manent
55 books54 followersPierre Manent est directeur d' etudes a l' Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Science Sociales, membre fondateur de la revue Commentaire.
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Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews
July 14, 2020
I found the first half incomprehensible. It seems as the framework presented is not original but follows a tradition, but it isn't really clear, in the end he seems to be trying extremely hard to go shopping with philosophers, picks one thing here, another thing there etc. Just take his discussion on the UBI, it seems to me like he misses the point of proposals completely, his critique could equally well apply to government funding unemployment insurance but it is unclear if that is his position. Anyway I ended up liking it overall because the second half of the book, which is less focused on theory is more entertaining and is clearer.
March 24, 2024
The first half was a bit dense but overall, it is an incredible book that combines political philosophy with their practical application in society. Above all, I love how Manent details the development of politics in the West, both practically and theoretically, to highlight, what he thinks, is the prevailing attitude of people today, that is, the belief that human beings can turn away from politics. For most of the book, Manent will argue against this belief, contending that the requirements of civic life, to have force and meaning, require our return to the political:
“[W]e return to the meaning of the political order […] It […] weaves together efficiently the sentiment of the self and the sentiment of the other. Why? Because, in the political order, the self and the other have something in common: precisely the political order, the body politic, the republic that is a common thing. In the political order, as a consequence of this commonality, there is a sort of active confusion of the self and the other. It is then possible for individuals to forget themselves and to be willing to sacrifice themselves in a sacrifice that is both selfish and generous, the patriotic sacrifice. It is once again Rousseau who, attentive to the virtues and the limits of general human compassion, underlined that patriotism is the source of the greatest virtues and that no other has been found. So that the human sentiment might have force, a lasting force, he tells us, it needs to be concentrated in a particular city.“
“[W]e return to the meaning of the political order […] It […] weaves together efficiently the sentiment of the self and the sentiment of the other. Why? Because, in the political order, the self and the other have something in common: precisely the political order, the body politic, the republic that is a common thing. In the political order, as a consequence of this commonality, there is a sort of active confusion of the self and the other. It is then possible for individuals to forget themselves and to be willing to sacrifice themselves in a sacrifice that is both selfish and generous, the patriotic sacrifice. It is once again Rousseau who, attentive to the virtues and the limits of general human compassion, underlined that patriotism is the source of the greatest virtues and that no other has been found. So that the human sentiment might have force, a lasting force, he tells us, it needs to be concentrated in a particular city.“
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews