Adam Smith (1723-1790]) was a Scottish social philosopher, political economist, and one of the key figures of the Scottish Enlightenment. This book was first published in 1776, interestingly enough.
Adam Smith wrote in the Introduction, “The annual labor of each nation is the fund which originally supplies it with all the necessaries and conveniences of life which it annually consumes and which consist always either in the immediate produce of that labor, or in what is purchased with that produce from other nations. According… as this produce… bears a greater or smaller proportion to the number of those who consume it, the nation will be better or worse supplied with all the necessaries and conveniences for which it has occasion. But this proportion must in every nation be regulated by two different circumstances; first, by the skill… with which its labor is generally applied; and secondly, by the proportion between the number of those who are employed in useful labor, and that of those who are not so employed…” (Pg. lvii)
“Among the ‘savage nations of hunters,’ the people are often ‘miserably poor’; while among civilized and thriving nations, "a workman, even of the lowest and poorest order... may enjoy a greater share of the necessities and conveniences of life than it is possible for any savage to acquire… The causes of this improvement, in the productive powers of labor, and the order, according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the First Book of this Inquiry.” (Pg. lvii-lviii)
He begins the first chapter with a famous illustration: “The greatest improvement in the productive powers of labor… seem to have been the effects of the division of labor… To take an example… the trade of the pin-maker; a workman not educated to this business (which the division of labor has rendered a distinct trade)… could scarce… with his utmost industry, make one pin in a day, and certainly could not make twenty… but it is divided into a number of branches… One man draws out the wire, another straights it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top for receiving the head; to make the head requires two or three distinct operations… to whiten the pins… is another… it is even a trade in itself to put them into the paper… making a pin is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations, which… are all performed by distinct hands… Those ten persons … could make among them upwards of forty-eight thousand pins in a day… In every other art and manufacture, the effects of the division of labor are similar to what they are in this very trifling one… The separation of different trades and employments from one another, seems to have taken place, in consequence of this advantage. This separation too is generally carried furthest in those countries which enjoy the highest degree of industry and improvement.” (Pg. 3-5)
He states, “after the division of labor has… taken place, it is but a very small part … with which a man’s own labor can supply him. The far greater part of them he must derive from the labor of other people… The value of any commodity… is equal to the quantity of labor which it enables him to purchase or command. Labor, therefore, is the real measure of the exchangeable value of all commodities.” (Pg. 30) Later, he adds, “Labor measures the value not only of that part of price which resolves itself into labor, but that which resolves itself into rent, and of that which resolves itself into profit.” (Pg. 50)
He observes, “What are the common wages of labor, depends everywhere upon the contract made between those two parties, whose interests are by no means the same. The workmen desire to get as much, the masters to give as little as possible. The former are disposed to combine in order to raise, the latter in order to lower the wages of labor… In the long run the workman may be as necessary to his master as his master is to him, but the necessity is not so immediately… whoever imagines… that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the world as of the subject. Masters are always and everywhere in a sort of tacit, but constant and uniform combination, not to raise the wages of labor above their actual rate. To violate this combination is everywhere a most unpopular action… Masters do sometimes enter into particular combinations to sink the wages of labor even below this rate. These are always conducted with the utmost silence and secrecy, till the moment of execution, and when the workmen yield, as they sometimes do, without resistance, though severely felt by them, they are never heard of by other people.” (Pg. 66-67)
He acknowledges, “People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices. It is impossible indeed to prevent such meetings, by any law which either could be executed, or would be consistent with liberty and justice. But though the law cannot hinder people of the same trade from sometimes assembling together, it ought to do nothing to facilitate such assemblies; much less render then necessary.” (Pg. 128)
He suggests, “We are more industrious than our forefathers; because in the present times the funds destined for the maintenance of industry, are much greater in proportion to those which are likely to be employed in the maintenance of idleness, than they were two or three centuries ago. Our ancestors were idle for want of a sufficient encouragement to industry. It is better, says the proverb, to play for nothing, than to work for nothing.” (Pg. 319) He continues, “Wherever capital predominates, industry prevails; wherever revenue, idleness.” (Pg. 321)
He points out, “many expensive and unnecessary wars, great perversion of the annual produce from maintaining productive to maintain unproductive hands… have left the country… poorer than at the beginning… had not those wars given this particular direction to so large a capital, the greater part of it would naturally have been employed in maintaining productive hands… More houses would have been built, more lands would have been improved…and to what height the real wealth and revenue of the country might, by this time, have been raised, it is not perhaps very easy even to imagine.” (Pg. 327-328)
Perhaps the most important part of the book, however, is this: “every individual… neither intends to promote the public interest, now knows how much he is promoting it. By preferring the support of domestic to that of foreign industry, he intends only his own security; and by directing that industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he intends only his own gain, and he is in this… led by an INVISIBLE HAND to promote an end which was no part of his intention. Nor is it always the worse for the society that it was no part of it. By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it. I have never known much good done by those who affected to trade for the public good…”(Pg. 423)
He continues, “It is the maxim of every prudent master … never to attempt to make at home which it will cost him more to make than to buy. The tailor does not attempt to make his own shoes, but buys them from a shoemaker. The shoemaker does not attempt to make his own clothes, but employs a tailor. The farmer attempts to make neither one nor the other, but employs those different artificers. All of them find it for their interest to employ their whole industry in a way in which they have some advantage over their neighbors, and to purchase with a part of its produce… whatever else they have occasion for.” (Pg. 424)
He adds, “The natural advantages which one country has over another in producing particular commodities are sometimes so great, that it is acknowledged by all the world to be in vain to struggle with them… As long as one country has those advantages, and the other wants them, it will always be more advantageous for the latter, rather to buy of the former than to make… they both find it more advantageous to buy of one another, than to make what does not belong to their particular trades.” (Pg. 425-426)
He argues, “taxes upon the necessaries of life have nearly the same effect upon the circumstances of the people as a poor soil and a bad climate… Such taxes, when they have grown to a certain height, re a curse equal to the barrenness of the earth and the inclemency of the heavens; and yet it is in the richest and most industrious countries that they have been most generally imposed. No other countries could support so great a disorder.” (Pg. 433)
He notes, “The monopoly raises the rate of profit, but it hinders the sum of profit from rising so high as it otherwise would do. All the original sources of revenue, the wages of labor, the rent of land, and the profits of stock, the monopoly renders much less abundant than they otherwise would be. To promote the little interest of one little order of men in one country, it hurts the interest of all other orders of man in that country, and of all men in all other countries.” (Pg. 578)
He states, “It is thus that the private interests and passions of individuals naturally dispose them to turn their stock towards the employments which in ordinary cases are most advantageous to the society… But if from this natural preference they should turn too much of it towards those employments, the fall of profit in them and the rise of it in all others immediately dispose them to alter this faulty distribution. Without any intervention of law, therefore, the private interests and passions of men naturally lad them to divide and distribute the stock of every society, among all the different employments carried on it,, as nearly as possible in the proportion which is most agreeable to the interest of the whole society.” (Pg. 594-595)
He argues, “It can never be the interest of the unproductive class to oppress the other two classes. IT is the surplus produce of the land, or what remains after deducting the maintenance, first, of the cultivators, and afterwards, of the proprietors, that maintains and employes the unproductive class. The greater this surplus, the greater must likewise be the maintenance and employment of that class. The establishment of perfect justice, of perfect liberty, and of perfect equality, is the very simple secret which most effectually secures the highest degree of prosperity to all the three classes.” (Pg. 634)
He observes, “It may be laid down as a certain maxim, that, all other things being supposed equal, the richer the church, the poorer must necessarily be, either the sovereign on the one hand, or the people on the other; and, in all cases, the less able must the state be to defend itself.” (Pg. 765)
More controversially, perhaps, he also opines, “It is not contrary to justice that both Ireland and America should contribute towards the discharge of the public debt of Great Britain. That debt has been contracted in support of the government … to which all the colonies of America owe the liberty, security, and property which they have ever since enjoyed…” (Pg. 696-697)
One cannot adequately summarize a masterwork such as Smith's within the confines of a one-page book review, of course. But anyone even remotely interested in economics and politics should seriously study this compelling and influential work.