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The American Presidents #30
Calvin Coolidge
The austere president who presided over the Roaring Twenties and whose conservatism masked an innovative approach to national leadership
He was known as "Silent Cal." Buttoned up and tight-lipped, Calvin Coolidge seemed out of place as the leader of a nation plunging headlong into the modern era. His six years in office were a time of flappers, speakeasies, and a stock market boom, but his focus was on cutting taxes, balancing the federal budget, and promoting corporate productivity. "The chief business of the American people is business," he famously said.
But there is more to Coolidge than the stern capitalist scold. He was the progenitor of a conservatism that would flourish later in the century and a true innovator in the use of public relations and media. Coolidge worked with the top PR men of his day and seized on the rising technologies of newsreels and radio to bring the presidency into the lives of ordinary Americans—a path that led directly to FDR's "fireside chats" and the expert use of television by Kennedy and Reagan. At a time of great upheaval, Coolidge embodied the ambivalence that many of his countrymen felt. America kept "cool with Coolidge," and he returned the favor.
He was known as "Silent Cal." Buttoned up and tight-lipped, Calvin Coolidge seemed out of place as the leader of a nation plunging headlong into the modern era. His six years in office were a time of flappers, speakeasies, and a stock market boom, but his focus was on cutting taxes, balancing the federal budget, and promoting corporate productivity. "The chief business of the American people is business," he famously said.
But there is more to Coolidge than the stern capitalist scold. He was the progenitor of a conservatism that would flourish later in the century and a true innovator in the use of public relations and media. Coolidge worked with the top PR men of his day and seized on the rising technologies of newsreels and radio to bring the presidency into the lives of ordinary Americans—a path that led directly to FDR's "fireside chats" and the expert use of television by Kennedy and Reagan. At a time of great upheaval, Coolidge embodied the ambivalence that many of his countrymen felt. America kept "cool with Coolidge," and he returned the favor.
202 pages, Hardcover
First published December 26, 2006
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August 17, 2024
A President Between Two Worlds
Near the end of his short biography of Calvin Coolidge (1872 - 1933), David Greenberg quotes novelist Willa Cather's statement that "The world broke in two in 1922 or thereabouts". (Greenberg, p.158) Cather was referring to what she believed was the watershed of the jazz age, with its increase in individualism, the pursuit of wealth or pleasure, and sexual activity. Cather disliked the claimed new jazz age world as did Calvin Coolidge, the president during much of it. Greenberg's study shows how Coolidge was caught between two worlds - the world of the late 19th Century with its emphasis on the work ethic, frugality, religion, and reserve and the world of the 1920s that Coolidge helped create. Greenberg's biography of Coolidge is part of the American Presidents series which has the goal of introducing Americans to our nation's leaders in brief, succinct volumes. Greenberg is a professor of history and media studies at Rutgers University.
Calvin Coolidge was born to modest circumstances in Plymouth Notch, Vermont and learned the 19th Century values of rural New England. Coolidge also soon learned the nature of grief. His mother died when he was in his early teens and his younger sister died five years later. In 1924, during his presidency, Coolidge's 16 year old son died from an infection he caught on the White House lawn.
Following his graduation from Amherst College in 1895 and admission to the Massachusetts Bar, Coolidge held a variety of elected positions in Massachusetts, culminating in the governorship in 1918. Coolidge came to national attention 1n 1919 for his handling of a strike by Boston policemen. He thus ran as the vice-presidential candidate on the ticket headed by Harding. With Harding's death in 1923, Coolidge became the 30th president. He was elected to a term in his own right in 1924 and famously declined to be a candidate for a second term in 1928.
Coolidge was popular during his lifetime, but his reputation plummeted with the Depression and New Deal. President Ronald Reagan was a great admirer of Coolidge. With the passage of time, Coolidge's presidency has been examined afresh.
There sometimes is a tendency to think about the presidents based upon their claimed place on some system of historical rankings. It is also possible to consider each president in his own terms, regardless of rating, to learn what that individual has to teach about the United States and about leadership. This seems to me the better way to approach Coolidge, and Greenberg's book does so effectively.
Greenberg finds Coolidge's accomplishments as president "neither substantial nor enduring. Too many problems left unaddressed, mounted; too many causes languished unpursued. His constricted vision of his office crippled him." (page 14) Greenberg's conclusion remains supported on several counts. Coolidge's basically hands-off approach to the economy and his failure to respond to warning signals helped lead to, although they did not cause, the coming economic woes of the United States. Coolidge pursued an essentially short-term foreign policy whose limited achievements were brushed away by WW II. During Coolidge's presidency, a restrictive immigration bill was enacted. And Coolidge did not speak out aggressively against the Ku Klux Klan which enjoyed a resurgence during the 1920s.
Greenberg also points out that "a president's achievement does not lie merely in the laws and policies he implements." (p. 14) Coolidge had many admirable traits. He brought unquestioned honesty to the White House following the scandals of Harding. Coolidge knew his own limitations, and those of his office. He would have been distressed by the "imperial presidency" of some of his successors. Coolidge inspired trust in the citizenry. He did not engage in scandalous accusations against his political opponents. Coolidge tried to work towards the public good, as he understood it, rather than towards the good of narrow interest groups. In his patriotism, personal religious conviction, and devotion to duty, he tried to bring the values of his youth to bear on an emerging community which saw these values in a different way. Thus, while Coolidge's presidency was not substantively a success, has character and his approach to the office deserve understanding and respect.
Reading the biographies in the American President's series has helped me look for value in the achievements of the widely different people who have held this high office. Many of the assumptions on which Coolidge proceeded, such as his faith in laissez-faire economics, may well be questioned. But his probity, modesty, and commitment to public service remain inspiring. Thinking about Coolidge suggests to me that we need not accept Willa Cather's dictum that "The world broke in two in 1922 or thereabouts." We can try to find and realize the best of both worlds. And then proceed with our current world of the Twenty-First century.
Robin Friedman
Near the end of his short biography of Calvin Coolidge (1872 - 1933), David Greenberg quotes novelist Willa Cather's statement that "The world broke in two in 1922 or thereabouts". (Greenberg, p.158) Cather was referring to what she believed was the watershed of the jazz age, with its increase in individualism, the pursuit of wealth or pleasure, and sexual activity. Cather disliked the claimed new jazz age world as did Calvin Coolidge, the president during much of it. Greenberg's study shows how Coolidge was caught between two worlds - the world of the late 19th Century with its emphasis on the work ethic, frugality, religion, and reserve and the world of the 1920s that Coolidge helped create. Greenberg's biography of Coolidge is part of the American Presidents series which has the goal of introducing Americans to our nation's leaders in brief, succinct volumes. Greenberg is a professor of history and media studies at Rutgers University.
Calvin Coolidge was born to modest circumstances in Plymouth Notch, Vermont and learned the 19th Century values of rural New England. Coolidge also soon learned the nature of grief. His mother died when he was in his early teens and his younger sister died five years later. In 1924, during his presidency, Coolidge's 16 year old son died from an infection he caught on the White House lawn.
Following his graduation from Amherst College in 1895 and admission to the Massachusetts Bar, Coolidge held a variety of elected positions in Massachusetts, culminating in the governorship in 1918. Coolidge came to national attention 1n 1919 for his handling of a strike by Boston policemen. He thus ran as the vice-presidential candidate on the ticket headed by Harding. With Harding's death in 1923, Coolidge became the 30th president. He was elected to a term in his own right in 1924 and famously declined to be a candidate for a second term in 1928.
Coolidge was popular during his lifetime, but his reputation plummeted with the Depression and New Deal. President Ronald Reagan was a great admirer of Coolidge. With the passage of time, Coolidge's presidency has been examined afresh.
There sometimes is a tendency to think about the presidents based upon their claimed place on some system of historical rankings. It is also possible to consider each president in his own terms, regardless of rating, to learn what that individual has to teach about the United States and about leadership. This seems to me the better way to approach Coolidge, and Greenberg's book does so effectively.
Greenberg finds Coolidge's accomplishments as president "neither substantial nor enduring. Too many problems left unaddressed, mounted; too many causes languished unpursued. His constricted vision of his office crippled him." (page 14) Greenberg's conclusion remains supported on several counts. Coolidge's basically hands-off approach to the economy and his failure to respond to warning signals helped lead to, although they did not cause, the coming economic woes of the United States. Coolidge pursued an essentially short-term foreign policy whose limited achievements were brushed away by WW II. During Coolidge's presidency, a restrictive immigration bill was enacted. And Coolidge did not speak out aggressively against the Ku Klux Klan which enjoyed a resurgence during the 1920s.
Greenberg also points out that "a president's achievement does not lie merely in the laws and policies he implements." (p. 14) Coolidge had many admirable traits. He brought unquestioned honesty to the White House following the scandals of Harding. Coolidge knew his own limitations, and those of his office. He would have been distressed by the "imperial presidency" of some of his successors. Coolidge inspired trust in the citizenry. He did not engage in scandalous accusations against his political opponents. Coolidge tried to work towards the public good, as he understood it, rather than towards the good of narrow interest groups. In his patriotism, personal religious conviction, and devotion to duty, he tried to bring the values of his youth to bear on an emerging community which saw these values in a different way. Thus, while Coolidge's presidency was not substantively a success, has character and his approach to the office deserve understanding and respect.
Reading the biographies in the American President's series has helped me look for value in the achievements of the widely different people who have held this high office. Many of the assumptions on which Coolidge proceeded, such as his faith in laissez-faire economics, may well be questioned. But his probity, modesty, and commitment to public service remain inspiring. Thinking about Coolidge suggests to me that we need not accept Willa Cather's dictum that "The world broke in two in 1922 or thereabouts." We can try to find and realize the best of both worlds. And then proceed with our current world of the Twenty-First century.
Robin Friedman
May 19, 2020
Calvin Coolidge was known as the Silent Cal and a passive president; Alice Roosevelt made famous the judgement that he looked “as if he had been weaned on a pickle”. He was mockingly praised for being an “eloquent listener”, one who could be “silent in five languages”.
Coolidge’s peculiar economy of speech also extended to financial matters. In a time of a stock market boom, he strived to balance the federal budget, cut the taxes, and promote corporate productivity.
In his book, David Greenberg shows that there was more to Coolidge than silence and capitalism. The President was decidedly forward looking in some aspects such as delight in consumer society and use of communications media to advance his goals. He innovated the used of PR and media, seizing the rising technologies, and brought the presidency into the lives of ordinary Americans.
Greenberg’s work also reveals the human side of the President, who despite his aloof exterior, which was actually a defensive wall hiding his inane shyness, was popular among the Americans.
In the 1920s, the USA was plunging headlong into modernity, with its jazz, skyscrapers, movies, liberated women, and speakeasies. Although described as the “antithesis” of all those changes, Coolidge wasn’t reactionary; he didn’t try to stop the Progressive Era, and even if he despised its culture, Coolidge was content with the rising standards that made it possible.
The economy during his administration was characterized with unmatched dynamism; with the automaton’s birth came the end of skilled and artisanal labor, and a new ethic of consumption was born from the shorter workweeks, increased free time, and good living conditions. Americans now had plentiful choices about what to buy, and spending money became a form of capitalistic freedom.
Calvin Coolidge’s key to popularity was his direct speeches to the public, which he – not Congress – understood the best.
For me, David Greenberg’s biography of Silent Cal was a very enjoyable read. This well-written work is sympathetic, humorous, informative, and objective. Recommendable.
Coolidge’s peculiar economy of speech also extended to financial matters. In a time of a stock market boom, he strived to balance the federal budget, cut the taxes, and promote corporate productivity.
In his book, David Greenberg shows that there was more to Coolidge than silence and capitalism. The President was decidedly forward looking in some aspects such as delight in consumer society and use of communications media to advance his goals. He innovated the used of PR and media, seizing the rising technologies, and brought the presidency into the lives of ordinary Americans.
Greenberg’s work also reveals the human side of the President, who despite his aloof exterior, which was actually a defensive wall hiding his inane shyness, was popular among the Americans.
In the 1920s, the USA was plunging headlong into modernity, with its jazz, skyscrapers, movies, liberated women, and speakeasies. Although described as the “antithesis” of all those changes, Coolidge wasn’t reactionary; he didn’t try to stop the Progressive Era, and even if he despised its culture, Coolidge was content with the rising standards that made it possible.
The economy during his administration was characterized with unmatched dynamism; with the automaton’s birth came the end of skilled and artisanal labor, and a new ethic of consumption was born from the shorter workweeks, increased free time, and good living conditions. Americans now had plentiful choices about what to buy, and spending money became a form of capitalistic freedom.
Calvin Coolidge’s key to popularity was his direct speeches to the public, which he – not Congress – understood the best.
For me, David Greenberg’s biography of Silent Cal was a very enjoyable read. This well-written work is sympathetic, humorous, informative, and objective. Recommendable.
November 18, 2019
The conservative movement's elevation of Calvin Coolidge to hero status made the thirtieth president unappealing to me. Ronald Reagan and his circle admired Coolidge for his devotion to tax cuts and for his role in breaking the 1919 Boston police strike, an inspiration for American conservatives' three-decade-long war on labor unions. David Greenberg's judicious biography, however, has done much to improve my impression of Coolidge the man, if not Coolidge the president.
Greenberg argues that shyness was C.C.'s fundamental personality trait, and that this manifested as a tendency to form close relationships with a few people, and as deep sadness when those people died. Young Calvin grew up in the shadow of his mother's death, and another loss, of his son Calvin Jr. – and the details of that teenager's final days will break your damn heart – virtually destroyed Calvin Sr.'s presidency. Dorothy Parker's quip on hearing of Coolidge's death, “How could they tell?”, gains a tragic resonance when one realizes a large part of the president did die in 1924.
Coolidge's financial and political rectitude, however, remained strong, and helped restore some luster to an office tarnished by the scandals of Warren Harding & co. And while Coolidge remained a fundamentally introverted man, he also seems to have been the first president to understand the importance and impact of mass media. Coolidge wrote and delivered dull speeches, but thanks to radio and cheap phonograph records, more Americans heard those speeches and recognized their author's voice than ever before.
Bob Dole, one of Reagan's fellow conservative revolutionaries, described Coolidge as one of the only genuinely funny American presidents, but I see little sign of this in either this biography or Dole's own GREAT PRESIDENTIAL WIT. CC could make the occasional witty remark, but his sense of humor seems to have centered on put-downs rather than ironic observations or amusing anecdotes. The other really appealing part of Coolidge's persona was his and his family's love of animals, which Greenberg does not really discuss. Speaking for myself, I would never write about Coolidge's presidency without mentioning Rebecca, the pet raccoon whom CC kept in the White House and occasionally carried around his shoulders.
Greenberg argues that shyness was C.C.'s fundamental personality trait, and that this manifested as a tendency to form close relationships with a few people, and as deep sadness when those people died. Young Calvin grew up in the shadow of his mother's death, and another loss, of his son Calvin Jr. – and the details of that teenager's final days will break your damn heart – virtually destroyed Calvin Sr.'s presidency. Dorothy Parker's quip on hearing of Coolidge's death, “How could they tell?”, gains a tragic resonance when one realizes a large part of the president did die in 1924.
Coolidge's financial and political rectitude, however, remained strong, and helped restore some luster to an office tarnished by the scandals of Warren Harding & co. And while Coolidge remained a fundamentally introverted man, he also seems to have been the first president to understand the importance and impact of mass media. Coolidge wrote and delivered dull speeches, but thanks to radio and cheap phonograph records, more Americans heard those speeches and recognized their author's voice than ever before.
Bob Dole, one of Reagan's fellow conservative revolutionaries, described Coolidge as one of the only genuinely funny American presidents, but I see little sign of this in either this biography or Dole's own GREAT PRESIDENTIAL WIT. CC could make the occasional witty remark, but his sense of humor seems to have centered on put-downs rather than ironic observations or amusing anecdotes. The other really appealing part of Coolidge's persona was his and his family's love of animals, which Greenberg does not really discuss. Speaking for myself, I would never write about Coolidge's presidency without mentioning Rebecca, the pet raccoon whom CC kept in the White House and occasionally carried around his shoulders.
May 30, 2012
Calvin Coolidge is the darling of the Republican Party (after Ronald Reagan, Michele Bachmann said that Silent Cal should have his head up there on Mt. Rushmore). Rightly so too - Coolidge is the first truly modern Republican president. Every president from Benjamin Harrison on has been called the first modern president, but its Coolidge who walks and talks like Mitt Romney (minus the moral majority). Low tax, no spend, deregulate, pro business - Calvin Coolidge was the first Republican president to espouse these traits (perhaps Warren Harding would have done the same, if he'd lived long enough). Coolidge was also the first true master of spin - on the death of corrupt Harding, Coolidge came out of it all smelling like a rose, and turned what could have been a liability into asset; the first real master of modern media -- he courted and manipulated radio, movie moguls and newspapers. He also had a PR man, another first. He was a slick politician, in all the best senses of those words. David Greenberg's portrait of Calvin Coolidge is humanizing (the death of Coolidge's son was heartbreaking for the president) and informative. While not exactly an entertaining read, Greenberg's writing is good enough to be enjoyable for lovers of history in general and presidential history specifically.
May 25, 2015
This book was typical of others in the series. It is short and mostly impartial. The best books in the series have a thesis and explore some aspect of the president's life. This book tried to argue that it is hard to judge Coolidge because his presidency was at the crossroads of two eras. He was very popular at the time of his presidency, largely because times were good. He was seen as open to new ideas, especially making use of new media and advertising techniques to promote himself, but he also represented the values of an older time. To judge him merely from the standpoint of the 1920s would be too generous and would ignore the role his policies may have played in bringing on the Depression. To view him from the perspective of the 1930s or today would be too unkind and to fault him for not being able to predict the future.
July 3, 2017
The author did a great job with this book which is amazing considering whom he was writing about. Silent Cal was not a good president and was definitely a product of his time. That being said it is worthwhile to check this one out to see the progression in US politics.
May 11, 2012
Before reading the biographies of Harding, Coolidge, Hoover I had only a characterization-level understanding of the three. Together they were the three Republicans that let the good times roll in the 1920s and irresponsibly set up the stock market crash and the Great Depression. Individually they were the corrupt womanizer, the silent one, and Mr. Hooverville.
Of the three, Coolidge had the longest tenure in the White House and was truly the one that oversaw the decade and probably contributed the most, or at least had the opportunity to contribute the most, to the state of the country and the economy. The "Silent Cal" image was neither unfair nor an accident. Although it was probably a one-time anomaly for a president, only possible for vice president who assumed office when the president died. And it is unlikely that today someone with his lack of strong personality could even be elected as a VP. It was also a match of an economy naturally firing on all cylinders that reinforced his laissez-faire style.
David Greenberg's book is one of the better ones I have read from the President's series, showing again that sometimes the better story and interesting analysis comes from the less obvious subjects. In this case, while Coolidge's personality was quiet and his actions were few, he did have six years in office compared to his more flamboyant predecessor who only had two years, and those six years happened to be a time of prominent social and economic change in the country. The author also did not spend too much of the book passionately arguing that his subject is misunderstood or underappreciated as authors in this series are too often tempted to do, although he does raise the questions of how to fairly evaluate Coolidge from the hindsight perspective of different eras.
The irony of his quiet personality is that he was the first president of the modern media age. Greenburg shows how his administration, and Cal himself, were the first to really capitalize on the radio and news reels to spread his carefully crafted messages to the entire country. I was amazed by the comparison that some of his speeches were broadcast to listening audiences in the tens of millions while it is estimated that Theodore Roosevelt reached no more than 13 million people with every speech he gave in his career combined. Even if there was not much substance to his messages and positions, his image was carefully constructed and then protected by press secretaries and friends in publishing unlike any of his predecessors. It seems ironic now that his dull and almost unimportant legacy was intentionally developed by Coolidge and his people.
Greenburg addresses the fairness of Coolidge's blame for the subsequent economic disaster.
"Any president surely would have failed to do all that was necessary to avert some serious trouble. But Coolidge's naive faith in the gospel of productivity and the benevolence of business--as well as his excessive reliance on others to make his policies--deterred him even from asking the questions that might have mitigated the misfortune." (pg 150)
It is difficult to judge fairly from a position of hindsight, and maybe even more in this era that was so suddenly different than previous eras. Unlike the disastrous lead up to the Civil War, there were not significant camps of people and emerging political parties warning of trouble and underlying fundamental problems. I think it is very telling none the challengers he had, both within his party and from the other side, were arguing to slow down the economy or do anything economists later believed could have reduced the fall. A few may have been better in the long run because they would have supported this position or that, but it is likely the 1920s would have roared regardless and it would still crash.
Of the three, Coolidge had the longest tenure in the White House and was truly the one that oversaw the decade and probably contributed the most, or at least had the opportunity to contribute the most, to the state of the country and the economy. The "Silent Cal" image was neither unfair nor an accident. Although it was probably a one-time anomaly for a president, only possible for vice president who assumed office when the president died. And it is unlikely that today someone with his lack of strong personality could even be elected as a VP. It was also a match of an economy naturally firing on all cylinders that reinforced his laissez-faire style.
David Greenberg's book is one of the better ones I have read from the President's series, showing again that sometimes the better story and interesting analysis comes from the less obvious subjects. In this case, while Coolidge's personality was quiet and his actions were few, he did have six years in office compared to his more flamboyant predecessor who only had two years, and those six years happened to be a time of prominent social and economic change in the country. The author also did not spend too much of the book passionately arguing that his subject is misunderstood or underappreciated as authors in this series are too often tempted to do, although he does raise the questions of how to fairly evaluate Coolidge from the hindsight perspective of different eras.
The irony of his quiet personality is that he was the first president of the modern media age. Greenburg shows how his administration, and Cal himself, were the first to really capitalize on the radio and news reels to spread his carefully crafted messages to the entire country. I was amazed by the comparison that some of his speeches were broadcast to listening audiences in the tens of millions while it is estimated that Theodore Roosevelt reached no more than 13 million people with every speech he gave in his career combined. Even if there was not much substance to his messages and positions, his image was carefully constructed and then protected by press secretaries and friends in publishing unlike any of his predecessors. It seems ironic now that his dull and almost unimportant legacy was intentionally developed by Coolidge and his people.
Greenburg addresses the fairness of Coolidge's blame for the subsequent economic disaster.
"Any president surely would have failed to do all that was necessary to avert some serious trouble. But Coolidge's naive faith in the gospel of productivity and the benevolence of business--as well as his excessive reliance on others to make his policies--deterred him even from asking the questions that might have mitigated the misfortune." (pg 150)
It is difficult to judge fairly from a position of hindsight, and maybe even more in this era that was so suddenly different than previous eras. Unlike the disastrous lead up to the Civil War, there were not significant camps of people and emerging political parties warning of trouble and underlying fundamental problems. I think it is very telling none the challengers he had, both within his party and from the other side, were arguing to slow down the economy or do anything economists later believed could have reduced the fall. A few may have been better in the long run because they would have supported this position or that, but it is likely the 1920s would have roared regardless and it would still crash.
July 3, 2009
The author of this brief bio of Calvin Coolidge, David Greenberg, begins with an interesting quotation (Page 1): ". . .one of the first things [Ronald Reagan:] made on entering the White House in January was to take down the portraits of Thomas Jefferson and Harry Truman in the Cabinet Room and put up those of Dwight Eisenhower and Calvin Coolidge." This volume examines Coolidge's life and times and his work as President.
"Silent Cal" was a competent but not very energetic or innovative president, according to this book. He often was rather passive in advancing his initiatives, in many cases not pressing hard when Congress pushed back against him. The term "hands off" as a presidential style seems to fit rather well.
The book begins with his background, as he came from Vermont (born on the 4th of July in 1872). He learned the values of hard work and thrift and came to understand that one did not exalt oneself over others. Characteristics emerging while he was younger (Page 17): "For the rest of his life, Calvin would remain deliberate in his decisions, conservative in his temperament and ideology, and restrained in his personal style."
His rise in the political world as a city council member, with his political carer taking off in Massachusetts. Over time, he rose to president of the state senate, lieutenant governor, and, finally, to governor. In the 1920 Republican convention, after Warren Harding's nomination, Coolidge ended up as Harding's VEEP candidate. And, with Harding's death, this rather unlikely person was sworn in as President (oddly enough, by his father, whom Calvin was visiting, given the oath by his father, because of his role as a notary public!).
Then, the slim volume begins to examine Coolidge's presidency. At the outset, he had to deal with the emerging scandals from the Harding Administration (such as Teapot Dome). His presidency, according to Greenberg, featured a characteristic style (Page 60): ". . .there was a shortsightedness to Coolidge's preference for letting problems pass--not least because they sometimes didn't. The wait-and-see approach prevented Coolidge from pursuing the kinds of goals that can make presidents great."
Some key features of his presidency. . . . For one, he was the first president to begin to exploit media (whether print or radio). For another, he tended to avoid much regulation or interference from government of the economy. Given the healthy economy during his term and a half in office, voters were pretty happy with his stewardship. His proposed economic policy featured tax cuts, tariff changes, limited regulation on business, and so on. Often, he had to work with a Congress that was not overly sympathetic. Sometimes, he appeared to display apathy in trying to convince Congress to advance his policies.
The book also notes the family tragedy of his son's death. Some researchers (such as Robert Gilbert) believe that this was so devastating that it enhanced his rather passive perspective toward office even more. Greenberg does not necessarily subscribe to that view, as he sees much consistency between his truncated term and his full-term after his election in 1924.
The book finishes by exploring the extent to which Coolidge's policies may have facilitated the financial crash and the Great Depression. Greenberg's analysis makes a fair amount of sense here.
Overall, another good entry in the American Presidents series. . . .
"Silent Cal" was a competent but not very energetic or innovative president, according to this book. He often was rather passive in advancing his initiatives, in many cases not pressing hard when Congress pushed back against him. The term "hands off" as a presidential style seems to fit rather well.
The book begins with his background, as he came from Vermont (born on the 4th of July in 1872). He learned the values of hard work and thrift and came to understand that one did not exalt oneself over others. Characteristics emerging while he was younger (Page 17): "For the rest of his life, Calvin would remain deliberate in his decisions, conservative in his temperament and ideology, and restrained in his personal style."
His rise in the political world as a city council member, with his political carer taking off in Massachusetts. Over time, he rose to president of the state senate, lieutenant governor, and, finally, to governor. In the 1920 Republican convention, after Warren Harding's nomination, Coolidge ended up as Harding's VEEP candidate. And, with Harding's death, this rather unlikely person was sworn in as President (oddly enough, by his father, whom Calvin was visiting, given the oath by his father, because of his role as a notary public!).
Then, the slim volume begins to examine Coolidge's presidency. At the outset, he had to deal with the emerging scandals from the Harding Administration (such as Teapot Dome). His presidency, according to Greenberg, featured a characteristic style (Page 60): ". . .there was a shortsightedness to Coolidge's preference for letting problems pass--not least because they sometimes didn't. The wait-and-see approach prevented Coolidge from pursuing the kinds of goals that can make presidents great."
Some key features of his presidency. . . . For one, he was the first president to begin to exploit media (whether print or radio). For another, he tended to avoid much regulation or interference from government of the economy. Given the healthy economy during his term and a half in office, voters were pretty happy with his stewardship. His proposed economic policy featured tax cuts, tariff changes, limited regulation on business, and so on. Often, he had to work with a Congress that was not overly sympathetic. Sometimes, he appeared to display apathy in trying to convince Congress to advance his policies.
The book also notes the family tragedy of his son's death. Some researchers (such as Robert Gilbert) believe that this was so devastating that it enhanced his rather passive perspective toward office even more. Greenberg does not necessarily subscribe to that view, as he sees much consistency between his truncated term and his full-term after his election in 1924.
The book finishes by exploring the extent to which Coolidge's policies may have facilitated the financial crash and the Great Depression. Greenberg's analysis makes a fair amount of sense here.
Overall, another good entry in the American Presidents series. . . .
September 25, 2011
We have to give David Greenberg credit for tackling one of the least colorful presidents, and doing so in the confines of the tightly-compact Schlesinger/Times Books series on American presidents. Greenberg does a decent job of trying to place Coolidge in the context of the party-constantly, get-rich-first attitudes of the 1920s. It's no wonder Coolidge was one of Reagan's idols, and would be an idol of virtually any small-government Republicans of the 21st century. Coolidge took laissez-faire attitudes to a ridiculous attitude, failing to respond even when vigorous government response was demanded to crises. Greenberg fairly points out that Coolidge was nowhere hear the corrupt personality Harding was, and suffered in part through a guilt by association. Greenberg also shows that the type of aloofness Coolidge specialized in was something that was demanded by Wall Street barons and main-street Americans alike. The author hints, without much debt, that such laisser-faire approaches paved the way for both the Wall Street crash and the rise of 1930s political crises that brought us World War 2. Unfortunately, the size of the biography does not let him adequately explore those themes that might make this a better book.
September 1, 2021
Another enjoyable book in the American presidents series. Calvin Coolidge seemed like an interesting character, especially considering he was emulated by my least favorite president, Ronald Reagan. He seemed very hands-off of government which in some senses worked for him, but at the same time, the crash occurred right after his tenure, so maybe not. I definitely felt for him as someone that had to lead the country during a time of great loss, and wonder if it would have been better for him to step down following the loss of his son. I would recommend the book if you're interested in a short, easy read on Calvin Coolidge.
September 20, 2020
Not as entertaining as previous ones in series. Maybe the author. Maybe the subject matter. Maybe too much economic theory.
September 15, 2019
Calvin Coolidge is the twenty-ninth book in The American Presidents series – a biographical series chronicling the Presidents of the United States. David Greenberg wrote this particular installment and edited by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.
John Calvin Coolidge Jr. was an American politician and lawyer who served as the thirtieth President of the United States from 1923–1929. A Republican lawyer from New England, born in Vermont, Coolidge worked his way up the ladder of Massachusetts state politics, eventually becoming governor. His response to the Boston Police Strike of 1919 thrust him into the national spotlight and gave him a reputation as a man of decisive action. The next year, he was elected vice president of the United States, and he succeeded to the presidency upon the sudden death of Warren G. Harding in 1923. Elected in his own right in 1924, he gained a reputation as a small government conservative and also as a man who said very little and had a rather dry sense of humor.
Coolidge's commitment to minimalist government seemingly in turn minimized his contributions to the nation, he was regarded well during his two terms, probably because of the robust economic productivity and his prescient use of growing public relations infrastructure, utilizing radio, film and photography to run a front-porch campaign long before the term 'photo op' was coined.
Coolidge's personal commitment to austerity allowed him to pare spending in almost every government department and cut taxes four times and by the end of his second term, most Americans paid no federal income tax at all. Though Black Thursday devastated the stock market on his watch in 1929, at the end of his presidency standard accounts affix some blame to his policies, but even Coolidge's harshest critics agree that the roots of the Depression lie deeper than any policies of one man.
Greenberg's history takes readers ably but unsurprisingly from rustic, post-Civil War Vermont to, in Coolidge's words, a new era to which I do not belong, showing along the way how his personality and politics helped him regain relevancy in political struggles yet to come.
All in all, Calvin Coolidge is a good, albeit brief biography of the thirtieth President and it is a good continuation to what would hopefully be a wonderful series of presidential biographies, which I plan to read in the very near future.
John Calvin Coolidge Jr. was an American politician and lawyer who served as the thirtieth President of the United States from 1923–1929. A Republican lawyer from New England, born in Vermont, Coolidge worked his way up the ladder of Massachusetts state politics, eventually becoming governor. His response to the Boston Police Strike of 1919 thrust him into the national spotlight and gave him a reputation as a man of decisive action. The next year, he was elected vice president of the United States, and he succeeded to the presidency upon the sudden death of Warren G. Harding in 1923. Elected in his own right in 1924, he gained a reputation as a small government conservative and also as a man who said very little and had a rather dry sense of humor.
Coolidge's commitment to minimalist government seemingly in turn minimized his contributions to the nation, he was regarded well during his two terms, probably because of the robust economic productivity and his prescient use of growing public relations infrastructure, utilizing radio, film and photography to run a front-porch campaign long before the term 'photo op' was coined.
Coolidge's personal commitment to austerity allowed him to pare spending in almost every government department and cut taxes four times and by the end of his second term, most Americans paid no federal income tax at all. Though Black Thursday devastated the stock market on his watch in 1929, at the end of his presidency standard accounts affix some blame to his policies, but even Coolidge's harshest critics agree that the roots of the Depression lie deeper than any policies of one man.
Greenberg's history takes readers ably but unsurprisingly from rustic, post-Civil War Vermont to, in Coolidge's words, a new era to which I do not belong, showing along the way how his personality and politics helped him regain relevancy in political struggles yet to come.
All in all, Calvin Coolidge is a good, albeit brief biography of the thirtieth President and it is a good continuation to what would hopefully be a wonderful series of presidential biographies, which I plan to read in the very near future.
May 5, 2022
Calvin Coolidge didn't do much.
Take the event which catapulted him into national prominence-- his decision as Governor of Massachusetts to fire and replace the Boston police officers who went on strike in 1919. Hailed by later-day strike-busters as an example of how to preserve public safety by standing up to big labor, Coolidge characteristically delayed acting until matters had reached a crisis.
Faced with a police commissioner who refused to improve overcrowded stations and worsening job conditions, police officers in Boston went on strike. Rather than call out the state militia to maintain order, Coolidge did nothing. He went home and slept soundly while rioters pillaged Boston. Three people died. Coolidge eventually acted by firing all the striking officers and permanently replacing them. The public had grown weary of strikes and radical activism, and Coolidge's decisive, if belated, action, made him a national figure and greatly contributed to his capturing the vice presidency at the 1920 Republican National Convention.
Few at the time recognized Coolidge's unique blend of fiscal conservatism and social progressivism. While climbing the ladder of state politics in Massachusetts, Coolidge shrank public debt while raising teachers' salaries; he lowered taxes and supported women's suffrage; he radically reduced the size of state government while approving hiring bonuses for war veterans. As vice president, however, he was invisible, and supported the administration mainly by delivering speeches on its behalf.
When Warren Harding died suddenly in 1923, a mortified Calvin Coolidge was sworn-in as president. He committed himself to carrying out the remainder of Harding's agenda for the first term, and soon found his administration embroiled in the Teapot Dome scandal. It would remain the most infamous case of political corruption until the Watergate crisis erupted fifty years later. Coolidge had not been involved in the graft and corruption which eventually took down several cabinet members, and his reputation emerged in high standing for pursuing the case to its finish, whatever the cost.
Coolidge's actual legislative accomplishments as president were trivial: he lowered taxes. He placed new immigration controls into effect to keep America white. He established the practice of an annual presidential budget.
And little else.
This lightweight schedule should not be misinterpreted as an inability to do more. Coolidge did not face an intransigent Congress bent on rejecting his agenda; he simply did not wish to do more. The nation had enough laws and regulations, he liked to say, and didn't need any more.
This aversion to act has been flatteringly described as "the minimalist presidency" by libertarians and conservatives. In practice, it need not require much political alchemy to understand Coolidge. Consider the advice he gave to his advice to his then-Secretary of Commerce (and later presidential successor) Herbert Hoover:
"If you see ten troubles coming down the road, you can be sure that nine will run into the ditch before they reach you, and you will have to battle with only one of them."
Ike Hoover (no relation to Herbert Hoover), Coolidge's head White House usher, claimed that Coolidge worked less than any other president he had ever known, and Coolidge's wife Grace observed that Coolidge did not like to read. Nor did the new president like to consult experts for their opinions. As a result, an anti-intellectual atmosphere prevailed throughout his presidency.
Conservatives seeking to restore Coolidge to what they believe to be his rightful place in the American pantheon seize upon the fact that he enacted a significant tax cut and oversaw an unprecedented economic expansion: causa et effectus. Less-mentioned is Coolidge's creation of estate and gift taxes to prevent the creation of an entrenched American aristocracy. And while Coolidge did oversee a national surge in wealth generation, this bounty disproportionately benefited the already-wealthy. For those unlucky enough to be left out of the rising tide, they had nothing to sustain them beyond the help of family and friends-- for this was before the New Deal and the age of federal safety nets.
Modern devotees similarly thrill when remembering Coolidge's 1925 declaration that "the chief business of America is business," but too often disregard how Coolidge's uninformed cheering of Wall Street and his aversion of any form of financial regulation led directly to the Great Crash of 1929. Not only would Coolidge bequeath this mess to his hapless successor, Herbert Hoover, but he would also usher in an era of Democratic presidents which would remain unbroken for twenty years. Coolidge held a naive faith in the benevolence of business, and supported the claim made by Treasury Secretary Mellon that cutting taxes for the wealthy would lead them to make investments which would ultimately benefit workers.
Sound familiar?
Trickle-down economics worked no better in 1921 than in 1981, but at least Coolidge may be forgiven owing to the lack of reliable economic data in his day. This reduction in taxes and disinclination to regulate Wall Street led to a rampant consumerism which took some strange turns. "The dollar is our Almighty. Prosperity is a kind of morality, and no one has preached the doctrine more devoutly than Messrs. Coolidge, Hoover, and Mellon," wrote journalist Silas Bent. One of Coolidge's chief publicists authored a book which depicted Jesus as "the founder of modern business," and his parables as "the most powerful advertisements of all time."
As is so often the case, the advocate of limited government had little problem extending largess to powerful corporations while cutting back federal aid to the everyday people. When agricultural prices plummeted in 1926, Coolidge refused to prop up farm prices, musing "Farmers never have made much money. I do not believe we can do much about it." He also groused that property owners whose lands had been lost to the 1927 flooding of the Mississippi River should take care of themselves, although he eventually signed a bill which gave the federal government responsibility for flood management.
David Greenberg has produced an admirable portrait of Calvin Coolidge which, while succinct, does not leave the reader wanting for detail. Coolidge is presented as a figure who successfully transitioned the United States into the 20th century. His small-town, rural ideals reassured Americans in the Jazz Age that despite the radical changes affecting their lives through technology, loosening social mores, and a new consumerism, such changes would not fundamentally alter the character of their nation. This cultural assessment stands in contrast to Coolidge's actual record as president, which was marked by mediocrity and small thinking. The author's summary is accurate, if sobering:
"Coolidge's record, in sum, was neither substantial nor enduring. Too many problems, left unresolved, mounted, too many causes languished unpursued. His constricted vision of his office crippled him."
Take the event which catapulted him into national prominence-- his decision as Governor of Massachusetts to fire and replace the Boston police officers who went on strike in 1919. Hailed by later-day strike-busters as an example of how to preserve public safety by standing up to big labor, Coolidge characteristically delayed acting until matters had reached a crisis.
Faced with a police commissioner who refused to improve overcrowded stations and worsening job conditions, police officers in Boston went on strike. Rather than call out the state militia to maintain order, Coolidge did nothing. He went home and slept soundly while rioters pillaged Boston. Three people died. Coolidge eventually acted by firing all the striking officers and permanently replacing them. The public had grown weary of strikes and radical activism, and Coolidge's decisive, if belated, action, made him a national figure and greatly contributed to his capturing the vice presidency at the 1920 Republican National Convention.
Few at the time recognized Coolidge's unique blend of fiscal conservatism and social progressivism. While climbing the ladder of state politics in Massachusetts, Coolidge shrank public debt while raising teachers' salaries; he lowered taxes and supported women's suffrage; he radically reduced the size of state government while approving hiring bonuses for war veterans. As vice president, however, he was invisible, and supported the administration mainly by delivering speeches on its behalf.
When Warren Harding died suddenly in 1923, a mortified Calvin Coolidge was sworn-in as president. He committed himself to carrying out the remainder of Harding's agenda for the first term, and soon found his administration embroiled in the Teapot Dome scandal. It would remain the most infamous case of political corruption until the Watergate crisis erupted fifty years later. Coolidge had not been involved in the graft and corruption which eventually took down several cabinet members, and his reputation emerged in high standing for pursuing the case to its finish, whatever the cost.
Coolidge's actual legislative accomplishments as president were trivial: he lowered taxes. He placed new immigration controls into effect to keep America white. He established the practice of an annual presidential budget.
And little else.
This lightweight schedule should not be misinterpreted as an inability to do more. Coolidge did not face an intransigent Congress bent on rejecting his agenda; he simply did not wish to do more. The nation had enough laws and regulations, he liked to say, and didn't need any more.
This aversion to act has been flatteringly described as "the minimalist presidency" by libertarians and conservatives. In practice, it need not require much political alchemy to understand Coolidge. Consider the advice he gave to his advice to his then-Secretary of Commerce (and later presidential successor) Herbert Hoover:
"If you see ten troubles coming down the road, you can be sure that nine will run into the ditch before they reach you, and you will have to battle with only one of them."
Ike Hoover (no relation to Herbert Hoover), Coolidge's head White House usher, claimed that Coolidge worked less than any other president he had ever known, and Coolidge's wife Grace observed that Coolidge did not like to read. Nor did the new president like to consult experts for their opinions. As a result, an anti-intellectual atmosphere prevailed throughout his presidency.
Conservatives seeking to restore Coolidge to what they believe to be his rightful place in the American pantheon seize upon the fact that he enacted a significant tax cut and oversaw an unprecedented economic expansion: causa et effectus. Less-mentioned is Coolidge's creation of estate and gift taxes to prevent the creation of an entrenched American aristocracy. And while Coolidge did oversee a national surge in wealth generation, this bounty disproportionately benefited the already-wealthy. For those unlucky enough to be left out of the rising tide, they had nothing to sustain them beyond the help of family and friends-- for this was before the New Deal and the age of federal safety nets.
Modern devotees similarly thrill when remembering Coolidge's 1925 declaration that "the chief business of America is business," but too often disregard how Coolidge's uninformed cheering of Wall Street and his aversion of any form of financial regulation led directly to the Great Crash of 1929. Not only would Coolidge bequeath this mess to his hapless successor, Herbert Hoover, but he would also usher in an era of Democratic presidents which would remain unbroken for twenty years. Coolidge held a naive faith in the benevolence of business, and supported the claim made by Treasury Secretary Mellon that cutting taxes for the wealthy would lead them to make investments which would ultimately benefit workers.
Sound familiar?
Trickle-down economics worked no better in 1921 than in 1981, but at least Coolidge may be forgiven owing to the lack of reliable economic data in his day. This reduction in taxes and disinclination to regulate Wall Street led to a rampant consumerism which took some strange turns. "The dollar is our Almighty. Prosperity is a kind of morality, and no one has preached the doctrine more devoutly than Messrs. Coolidge, Hoover, and Mellon," wrote journalist Silas Bent. One of Coolidge's chief publicists authored a book which depicted Jesus as "the founder of modern business," and his parables as "the most powerful advertisements of all time."
As is so often the case, the advocate of limited government had little problem extending largess to powerful corporations while cutting back federal aid to the everyday people. When agricultural prices plummeted in 1926, Coolidge refused to prop up farm prices, musing "Farmers never have made much money. I do not believe we can do much about it." He also groused that property owners whose lands had been lost to the 1927 flooding of the Mississippi River should take care of themselves, although he eventually signed a bill which gave the federal government responsibility for flood management.
David Greenberg has produced an admirable portrait of Calvin Coolidge which, while succinct, does not leave the reader wanting for detail. Coolidge is presented as a figure who successfully transitioned the United States into the 20th century. His small-town, rural ideals reassured Americans in the Jazz Age that despite the radical changes affecting their lives through technology, loosening social mores, and a new consumerism, such changes would not fundamentally alter the character of their nation. This cultural assessment stands in contrast to Coolidge's actual record as president, which was marked by mediocrity and small thinking. The author's summary is accurate, if sobering:
"Coolidge's record, in sum, was neither substantial nor enduring. Too many problems, left unresolved, mounted, too many causes languished unpursued. His constricted vision of his office crippled him."
February 3, 2018
Coolidge straddled the transition from the Victorian to the modern era. His primary rule of doing nothing until absolutely forced to worked well for the 1920s. After World War I, Coolidge was viewed as being calm, pious, and safe. Everyone knew that he was slow to act and would never do anything rash. That is exactly what the American people wanted. He also served during an unprecedented time of economic prosperity and tax cuts. However, the trickle down economics led by Treasury Secretary Mellon created huge disparity between the rich and everyone else. The working class did not have the economic resources to keep the economy growing by the end of the decade and when the crash came 7 months after Coolidge left office the result was the Great Depression. 50 years later, Reagan and conservative Republicans insist on continuing to try trickle down economics expecting that this time maybe making the rich richer at the expense of everyone else will work despite the history lessons that continually prove otherwise.
February 25, 2020
Presidents who attain the presidency upon the death of their predecessors are often characterized as “accidental” presidents. The rankings of the men falling into this category range from dismal to distinguished with Andrew Johnson and Millard Fillmore on the dismal end and Theodore Roosevelt and Harry Truman faring much better in the eyes of historians.
Calvin Coolidge is another accidental president, taking office upon the death of Warren G. Harding. One characteristic of accidental presidents is that they are often unlikely candidates for the highest office as well. Through most of U.S. history, Vice Presidents have been rather unimportant figures. Although several early Vice Presidents (John Adams and Thomas Jefferson) were subsequently elected President, the Vice Presidential post was often filled with uninspiring party loyalists who had as their primary asset being non-controversial. Calvin Coolidge fits both categories. He tried to get along with everyone and he was a highly unlikely Chief Executive.
Coolidge is commonly characterized as a “do nothing” president. H. L. Mencken cracked that “Nero fiddled, but Coolidge only snored.” However, another assessment of Coolidge is probably more accurate. Walter Lippmann offered that “Nobody has ever worked harder at inactivity, with such force of character, with such unremitting attention to detail, with such conscientious dedication to the task.” Lippmann’s point was that Coolidge was actualizing his fundamental principle that government shouldn’t intrude in the life of the people (and especially not in the activities of business) and that small government was preferable to an expansive one. It’s not surprising to note that upon moving into the White House, Ronald Reagan replaced a portrait of Jefferson with one of Coolidge.
David Greenberg’s biography of Coolidge is clear, concise and, given it’s short length, quite comprehensive. This is another volume in the American President’s series. I’ve found that the quality of the books in this series is pretty uneven. This is among the best that I’ve read. I also read Coolidge’s autobiography and I’m working my way through Robert Sobel’s much longer biography of “Silent Cal.” There are obviously issues and actions that are covered in much greater detail in Sobel’s tome, but Greenberg does a fine job of going beyond a mere chronology of events to provide real insight into Coolidge’s political philosophy. He also portray Coolidge as a transitional president. Coolidge didn’t ride in an automobile until after his 30th birthday and yet he was a pioneer in connecting with voters through radio. Much of what we take for granted in handling campaign publicity has its start with Coolidge.
If you’re on a quest to read through the Presidents but don’t have the time to invest in reading multiple books about some of the lesser figures, Greenberg’s book isn’t a bad choice for a single volume introduction to the 30th President.
Calvin Coolidge is another accidental president, taking office upon the death of Warren G. Harding. One characteristic of accidental presidents is that they are often unlikely candidates for the highest office as well. Through most of U.S. history, Vice Presidents have been rather unimportant figures. Although several early Vice Presidents (John Adams and Thomas Jefferson) were subsequently elected President, the Vice Presidential post was often filled with uninspiring party loyalists who had as their primary asset being non-controversial. Calvin Coolidge fits both categories. He tried to get along with everyone and he was a highly unlikely Chief Executive.
Coolidge is commonly characterized as a “do nothing” president. H. L. Mencken cracked that “Nero fiddled, but Coolidge only snored.” However, another assessment of Coolidge is probably more accurate. Walter Lippmann offered that “Nobody has ever worked harder at inactivity, with such force of character, with such unremitting attention to detail, with such conscientious dedication to the task.” Lippmann’s point was that Coolidge was actualizing his fundamental principle that government shouldn’t intrude in the life of the people (and especially not in the activities of business) and that small government was preferable to an expansive one. It’s not surprising to note that upon moving into the White House, Ronald Reagan replaced a portrait of Jefferson with one of Coolidge.
David Greenberg’s biography of Coolidge is clear, concise and, given it’s short length, quite comprehensive. This is another volume in the American President’s series. I’ve found that the quality of the books in this series is pretty uneven. This is among the best that I’ve read. I also read Coolidge’s autobiography and I’m working my way through Robert Sobel’s much longer biography of “Silent Cal.” There are obviously issues and actions that are covered in much greater detail in Sobel’s tome, but Greenberg does a fine job of going beyond a mere chronology of events to provide real insight into Coolidge’s political philosophy. He also portray Coolidge as a transitional president. Coolidge didn’t ride in an automobile until after his 30th birthday and yet he was a pioneer in connecting with voters through radio. Much of what we take for granted in handling campaign publicity has its start with Coolidge.
If you’re on a quest to read through the Presidents but don’t have the time to invest in reading multiple books about some of the lesser figures, Greenberg’s book isn’t a bad choice for a single volume introduction to the 30th President.
November 25, 2012
An interesting biography that is relevant to today's debate about the role of government regulation and fiscal policy in encouraging economic growth. The debate continues to today about whether Coolidge's policy of lower taxes, especially for the wealthy, and limited government regulation of financial markets was responsible for the prosperity while Coolidge was President and whether his policies set the stage for the Great Depression.
The author, David Greenberg, shows that the political situation was more complicated than today's assumptions that the 20s was a decade of unquestioned Republican, conservative rule. He noted that there was the beginnings of reactions against the corruption of the Harding administration which would have included challenges to the limitation of government protections of natural resources and financial markets. However, Harding's death replaced his questionable integrity, cronyism, and indulgent lifestyle with Coolidge's unquestioned integrity and frugal, even austere lifestyle. Those Coolidge attributes blunted many of the challenges to the Harding fiscal and governmental policies which continued during the Coolidge administration(without the corruption)
One of the most touching sections was the death of Coolidge's 16 year old son while Coolidge was President. The son developed an infection which would have been easily cured with today's medicine. Instead, the son's illness lingered for a week, slowly becoming more serious until he passed away while the President of the United States could only helplessly look on. This chapter is a good reminder of the human side and limitations of our political leaders
The author, David Greenberg, shows that the political situation was more complicated than today's assumptions that the 20s was a decade of unquestioned Republican, conservative rule. He noted that there was the beginnings of reactions against the corruption of the Harding administration which would have included challenges to the limitation of government protections of natural resources and financial markets. However, Harding's death replaced his questionable integrity, cronyism, and indulgent lifestyle with Coolidge's unquestioned integrity and frugal, even austere lifestyle. Those Coolidge attributes blunted many of the challenges to the Harding fiscal and governmental policies which continued during the Coolidge administration(without the corruption)
One of the most touching sections was the death of Coolidge's 16 year old son while Coolidge was President. The son developed an infection which would have been easily cured with today's medicine. Instead, the son's illness lingered for a week, slowly becoming more serious until he passed away while the President of the United States could only helplessly look on. This chapter is a good reminder of the human side and limitations of our political leaders
February 20, 2022
Hmm. Silent cal Coolidge, was a man of few words and someone who felt the government should not interfere in country affairs. Silent cal rarely talked about himself yet he might have been the most photographed president. One of the few presidents to reduce the national debt during his term. Mkts prospered during his presidency only to fall in a mkt crash after he left, which he was blamed for. He began his term after the death of Harding and quickly replaced hardings cronies with intelligent, professional and hard working individuals. One who was a work alcoholic who would later replace him as president Herbert Hoover. His son would die at an early age due to an infection which would weigh on him for the rest of his life. His ranking of presidents is quite low but some folks like Reagan feel cal got screwed.
December 7, 2010
"...even if many of the foot soldiers of the New Right have little memory or even historical knowledge of the man himself."
yes, time to arm one's self against the conservative hoards. This book is a good place to start.
yes, time to arm one's self against the conservative hoards. This book is a good place to start.
October 16, 2019
An interesting book about one of our most underrated Presidents. He left office with our country in the black. No debt. Astounding. My second favorite biographer wrote this and left no stone unturned.
February 6, 2008
A must-read for anyone studying history, especially 1920s American history.
January 6, 2020
I am attempting to read a biography of every US president, in order of their administrations. Although there are several well-known and popular biographies of Calvin Coolidge, none of them seemed highly rated enough to be worth my time. I turned to the ever-handy American Presidents series, with Calvin Coolidge's book written by David Greenberg. I could not have asked for a better biography when it comes to Calvin Coolidge. It is brief, thorough, balanced, and provides an insightful analysis on Calvin Coolidge's legacy as a president without getting overly political.
Many pieces on Calvin Coolidge are critical or admiring based upon the author's political leanings. In general, leftists scorn him for his laissez-faire approach to governing while conservatives hail Coolidge as an unsung hero. Greenberg not only avoids these trappings, but he evaluates Coolidge's strengths and weaknesses outside of the left/right divide. He provides a strong thesis analyzing Coolidge's leadership and continually backs it up throughout the biography, and he also discusses the dangers of judging Coolidge based solely within his time period or solely from the modern perspective.
For those interested in cracking the Coolidge "enigma" of his personality, this book does not dive deep into his psyche or personal life. However, it does give the reader a good idea of Coolidge's core personality traits and how they affected his leadership style. Greenberg forgoes a concentrated look into Coolidge's personal life in favor of liberal historical contextualization. Coolidge is always portrayed in relation to his time period, with emphasis given to the general public opinion of the 192os.
Despite its brevity, David Greenberg's Calvin Coolidge is an excellent piece of balanced and fair historical scholarship .
Many pieces on Calvin Coolidge are critical or admiring based upon the author's political leanings. In general, leftists scorn him for his laissez-faire approach to governing while conservatives hail Coolidge as an unsung hero. Greenberg not only avoids these trappings, but he evaluates Coolidge's strengths and weaknesses outside of the left/right divide. He provides a strong thesis analyzing Coolidge's leadership and continually backs it up throughout the biography, and he also discusses the dangers of judging Coolidge based solely within his time period or solely from the modern perspective.
For those interested in cracking the Coolidge "enigma" of his personality, this book does not dive deep into his psyche or personal life. However, it does give the reader a good idea of Coolidge's core personality traits and how they affected his leadership style. Greenberg forgoes a concentrated look into Coolidge's personal life in favor of liberal historical contextualization. Coolidge is always portrayed in relation to his time period, with emphasis given to the general public opinion of the 192os.
Despite its brevity, David Greenberg's Calvin Coolidge is an excellent piece of balanced and fair historical scholarship .
August 7, 2022
The Historian David Greenberg wrote the 2006 Political Biography of Calvin Coolidge for the American President series. Greenberg is also a professor of Media Studies at Rutgers University in New Jersey. Greenberg writes that Coolidge was one of the first American presidents to figure out how “to use mass communication media to advance his goals” (4). Greenberg writes, "Coolidge was the first whom more than a sliver of the public could see and hear with frequency-and thus come to feel as if they knew intimately” (156-157). Similar to other books in The American Presidents series, Greenberg’s biography of Coolidge is short, effective, and well-researched. Greenberg’s book has an introduction that introduces themes and the focus of Greenberg’s biography. I read the book on the Kindle. Greenberg’s book has a bibliography. Greenberg’s book on Coolidge is well-balanced. Greenberg believes that the best lens to view Coolidge is as a historical figure of the 1920s (14). I think Greenberg would agree with the writer Bill Bryson who writes, “if the 1920s was the age of anyone, it was the Age of Coolidge” (Bryson 192). Greenberg’s biography is a wonderful introduction to the political biography of Coolidge. Greenberg’s book clearly shows that Coolidge was a president of the 1920s. On a side note, Steve of the blog, My Journey Through the Best Presidential Biographies has excellent reviews of several of The American Presidents series biographies.
Work Cited:
Bryson, Bill. 2013. One Summer: America, 1927. New York: Random House LLC.
Work Cited:
Bryson, Bill. 2013. One Summer: America, 1927. New York: Random House LLC.
November 4, 2024
There's this legendary review of Guy Fieri's New York City restaurant by Pete Wells that takes the form of only questions. For example, "GUY FIERI, have you eaten at your new restaurant in Times Square? Did panic grip your soul as you stared into the whirling hypno wheel of the menu, where adjectives and nouns spin in a crazy vortex? When you saw the burger described as “Guy’s Pat LaFrieda custom blend, all-natural Creekstone Farm Black Angus beef patty, LTOP (lettuce, tomato, onion + pickle), SMC (super-melty-cheese) and a slathering of Donkey Sauce on garlic-buttered brioche,” did your mind touch the void for a minute?"
What a way to absolutely obliterate someone.
If Pete Wells were tasked with reviewing Calvin Coolidge, I think he would write something like this. "Calvin Coolidge was alright. But he also wasn't. He wanted the job. But he also didn't. He cut taxes. He proposed anti-lynching laws. But he also didn't follow through with them. He refused to provide federal aid to Mississippi after the devastating 1927 flood. But he also gave up and gave them money. He gave well reviewed speeches on the radio. But he also didn't say anything new. He ____. But also _____. "
A boring review for a boring president whose claim to fame is that he doesn't have one.
If David Greenberg's book gets only 3 stars it is because of Jean Baptiste Say's eternal law - "supply creates demand". Also, I'm pretty sure Say said "Don't get high on your on supply". An important corollary that Reagan should have heeded.
What a way to absolutely obliterate someone.
If Pete Wells were tasked with reviewing Calvin Coolidge, I think he would write something like this. "Calvin Coolidge was alright. But he also wasn't. He wanted the job. But he also didn't. He cut taxes. He proposed anti-lynching laws. But he also didn't follow through with them. He refused to provide federal aid to Mississippi after the devastating 1927 flood. But he also gave up and gave them money. He gave well reviewed speeches on the radio. But he also didn't say anything new. He ____. But also _____. "
A boring review for a boring president whose claim to fame is that he doesn't have one.
If David Greenberg's book gets only 3 stars it is because of Jean Baptiste Say's eternal law - "supply creates demand". Also, I'm pretty sure Say said "Don't get high on your on supply". An important corollary that Reagan should have heeded.
July 20, 2023
I found this book to be very good as well as very informative.
I particularly liked that the author included a chapter on how Coolidge's economic policies might (or might not) have had a hand in creating the Great Depression. He agreed that they do only so much as Coolidge could not have seen the future anymore than anyone else.
I mention this because for too long history has viewed the stock market crash of 1929 and the following economic disaster as being Herbert Hoover's failure. More people need to understand that Hoover was only president for 6 months when the stock market crashed. That Hoover did not respond in ways that rectified the financial issues the country would undertake is an argument for another day.
So does the big questions is whether Coolidge deserves to be ranked as an underperforming president along with Harding (his predecessor) and Hoover (his successor) is a fair question considering that the financial policies that created the Great Depression began with decisions made by all three of these men from 1920-1932.
I particularly liked that the author included a chapter on how Coolidge's economic policies might (or might not) have had a hand in creating the Great Depression. He agreed that they do only so much as Coolidge could not have seen the future anymore than anyone else.
I mention this because for too long history has viewed the stock market crash of 1929 and the following economic disaster as being Herbert Hoover's failure. More people need to understand that Hoover was only president for 6 months when the stock market crashed. That Hoover did not respond in ways that rectified the financial issues the country would undertake is an argument for another day.
So does the big questions is whether Coolidge deserves to be ranked as an underperforming president along with Harding (his predecessor) and Hoover (his successor) is a fair question considering that the financial policies that created the Great Depression began with decisions made by all three of these men from 1920-1932.
May 27, 2018
The author does his best to put lipstick on this particular pig but there's only so much that can be done with someone like Coolidge who was not terribly bright, thoroughly unimaginative, and lacked any leadership qualities except for having a knack for self-promotion (if one can consider that a quality of leadership.) The author, however, does make one valid point about Coolidge: it is unfair to lay the entire blame for the Wall Street crash of 1929 and the resultant Great Depression at his doorstep when only in retrospect do we see how fundamentally flawed the laissez faire economic practices of his day were. That said, I cannot imagine a worse person to be in the Oval Office at the time. He didn't even question some of the spurious economic actions his lieutenants Mellon and Dawes took under his flag. As far as Coolidge was concerned, once he delegated a task to someone his job was finished.
September 4, 2017
Calvin Coolidge was a much loved U.S. president "in real" time, but history does not look back on him favorably. He was the leader of the U.S. during the roaring 20s. He believed minimum government so did more vetoing than implementing. Seemed like genius at the time, however, with the benefit of a review-view mirror, it seemed like he should have taken steps to cool the economy and help reduce the punch of the upcoming crash and depression. Coolidge stepped down just months before the stock market crashed. For years he was judged harshly; however, Ronald Reagan triggered a renaissance and re-look at Coolidge. Reagan respected Coolidge love for minimal federal government as well as his love for rural society.
January 31, 2020
The American Presidents Series does a great job crafting biographies that are concise and provide a general overview of the president's life and time in office. Greenberg's biography of Coolidge is no different. Much of the meditation on the success or failure of his presidency is centered around his economic policies, and the author is clear to point out that he views them as a major catalyst for the Great Depression. Nevertheless, Greenberg does not demonize Coolidge, and provides fairly evenhanded analysis of his policies. This book's only flaw is that its brevity and narrow focus prevents the reader from truly getting to know Coolidge as a man, but this is to be expected in a biography of this nature.
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July 22, 2019Will Rogers said that "Calvin Coolidge, he don't talk too much. When he does talk, he don't say too much." This pretty much sums up the man's career. Was his passivity and belief in the holy "market" acceptable? Long forgotten, Coolidge was resurrected by conservative historians in the 1980s and by a nostalgic Ronald Reagan as a symbol of a simpler, small government America. I predict Coolidge's star won't rise too much higher than it has of late, despite my quaint fondness for him personally.
November 10, 2020
A simple and concise history of Coolidge’s rise to the presidency, and his 6 or so years holding office. I enjoyed the length of this biography; not too long, yet enough information to provide a wholistic portrait of Coolidge. This was definitely not a comprehensive look into his life, because that was not the purpose of this book, but it was perfect for someone like me who knew almost nothing about Coolidge and wished to learn a little more.
March 4, 2021
A highly readable short biography of the man who in many ways can claim to be the first modern president, a bridge between the 19th and 20th centuries. Greenberg’s final chapter on Coolidges legacy (and his role as an inspiration to Ronald Reagan) is balanced and fascinatingly. Reading this book did not change my impression of Silent Cal as a man, but did provide insight into his critical role in a transitional time in American history.
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