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The Southern Question (46)
Antonio Gramsci's The Southern Question remains as provocative today as it was when it was written. During ten years of political imprisonment under Mussolini's Fascist government, Gramsci produced The Prison Notebooks, a continued meditation on subjects and relationships first proposed within the pages of this essay. The purpose in re-introducing the essay is to emphasize how Gramsci's analysis of social stratification of Northern and Southern Italy in 1926 is relevant to current discussions about state formation, diasporas, and strategic alliances.
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First published January 1, 1978
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About the author
Antonio Gramsci
555 books975 followersAntonio Francesco Gramsci was an Italian Marxist philosopher, linguist, journalist, writer, and politician. He wrote on philosophy, political theory, sociology, history, and linguistics. He was a founding member and one-time leader of the Italian Communist Party. A vocal critic of Benito Mussolini and fascism, he was imprisoned in 1926, where he remained until his death in 1937.
During his imprisonment, Gramsci wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis. His Prison Notebooks are considered a highly original contribution to 20th-century political theory. Gramsci drew insights from varying sources — not only other Marxists but also thinkers such as Niccolò Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto, Georges Sorel, and Benedetto Croce. The notebooks cover a wide range of topics, including the history of Italy and Italian nationalism, the French Revolution, fascism, Taylorism and Fordism, civil society, the state, historical materialism, folklore, religion, and high and popular culture.
Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class — the bourgeoisie — use cultural institutions to maintain wealth and power in capitalist societies. In Gramsci's view, the bourgeoisie develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. He also attempted to break from the economic determinism of orthodox Marxist thought, and so is sometimes described as a neo-Marxist. He held a humanistic understanding of Marxism, seeing it as a philosophy of praxis and an absolute historicism that transcends traditional materialism and traditional idealism.
During his imprisonment, Gramsci wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis. His Prison Notebooks are considered a highly original contribution to 20th-century political theory. Gramsci drew insights from varying sources — not only other Marxists but also thinkers such as Niccolò Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto, Georges Sorel, and Benedetto Croce. The notebooks cover a wide range of topics, including the history of Italy and Italian nationalism, the French Revolution, fascism, Taylorism and Fordism, civil society, the state, historical materialism, folklore, religion, and high and popular culture.
Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class — the bourgeoisie — use cultural institutions to maintain wealth and power in capitalist societies. In Gramsci's view, the bourgeoisie develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. He also attempted to break from the economic determinism of orthodox Marxist thought, and so is sometimes described as a neo-Marxist. He held a humanistic understanding of Marxism, seeing it as a philosophy of praxis and an absolute historicism that transcends traditional materialism and traditional idealism.
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Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews
February 4, 2024
I think what Gramsci is fantastic for and strikes me the most is that Gramsci is so advanced for his time - one person who really considered development as an idea and particularly the idea of a nation or state being under developed. Also, the fact he doesn’t romanticize the peasantry but rather that they must unite with the proletariat in order to achieve revolution - a fact that remains true! Solidarity with all members of the working class is the only true way to progress!
November 18, 2023
"Il Mezzogiorno non ha bisogno di leggi speciali e di trattamenti speciali. Ha bisogno di una politica generale, estera ed interna, che sia ispirata al rispetto dei bisogni generali del paese, e non di particolari tendenze politiche o regionali". cit. Antonio Gramsci, 1916
[https://lastanzadiantonio.blogspot.co...]
[https://lastanzadiantonio.blogspot.co...]
June 23, 2008
Pasquale Verdicchio, who translates this edition of Gramsci's The Southern Question, also provides helpful historical context through his introduction and footnotes. Furthermore, he's paired the title essay with two shorter pieces, 'Workers and Peasants' and 'Letter for the Foundation of L'Unita.' These two pieces are not as filled with references to the political situation of 1920s Italy as The Southern Question, and hence allow for an easier following of Gramsci's more theoretical points.
September 27, 2012
Un libro che rivela l'acutezza dell'analisi e l'attenzione di Gramsci per un tema difficile come l'eterna "questione meridionale", a cui ancora oggi, quasi un secolo dopo, gli articoli raccolti danno qualche spunto di riflessione.
Un peccato che la raccolta escluda i Quaderni
Un peccato che la raccolta escluda i Quaderni
March 26, 2021
A Book Review: The Southern Question by Antonio Gramsci [Translated and additional notes by Pasquale Verdicchio]
'Shaka, when the walls fell' and "Temba, his arms wide"
As you may know, I have a great interest in all things Italian. When one of my FB friends suggested I read several Italy related books, I jumped at the chance to do so.
As I started reading this book, it reminded me of a Star Trek: The Next Generation episode (Season 5 episode 2, Darmok) where Captain Picard is trying to communicate with a race that uses illusions to their history and mythology to convey thoughts and intentions. All on the Enterprise cannot understand what they say and the aliens cannot understand what is said to them. Reading this book, I felt like the members of the crew of the USS Enterprise (NCC-1701-D).
This 93-page booklet was written by Gramsci when he was in prison under Mussolini’s fascist rule. During this 10-year period he wrote about the south of Italy and the north of Italy. This was a relationship that involved not only geographic locations, but also rich and poor, farmer and landowner and city and country. The reunification of Italy (and the following decades) was probably one of the more turbulent times in the history of modern Italy.
Even when supposedly unified, the country was separated by language, culture, wealth, and even race. The people of the South were designated as genetically and racially inferior. They were barbarians, uneducated, peasants, farmers and workers of the dirt (“terrone”). The capitalistic north had the bankers (money) and industry and judged to be more European and therefore superior.
During the late 1800’s and early 1900’s, thousands of mostly southern Italians emigrated to the United States. By the 1920’s more than 4 million Italians came to the United States and represented more than 10% of the USA’s foreign-born population. The 1920’s was also when my grandparents came to America.
This book was written when several political and revolutionary ideas were stirring the imaginations and actions of the masses. There were Communists, Socialists, Capitalists and Fascists. The language of this text included terminology I hadn’t seen since my college days (proletariat, bourgeoisie, peasants, etc). These terms and language seen through the lens of modern times are very different from what the men and women of Gramsci’s times believed in.
Each of these groups (Communists, Socialists, Capitalists, Fascists and others) had multiple layers and within these layers, multiple levels of understanding what it meant to be a revolutionary. When you combine these different organizations with their histories and the many unique cultures within Italy; you can probably understand why I had a 'Shaka, when the walls fell' and "Temba, his arms wide" moment. I just do not have the historical knowledge and understanding of these times to fully comprehend what I read.
Having said that, I have gained a fair amount of insight into the trying times that my grandparents experienced so many decades ago. This has enormous value.
As I continue my education in this area, I expect that more and more of Antonio Gramsci’s writings will start to have meaning for me.
Should you read this? For most of us, I’d say no. For those who have a great desire to understand the people of Italy and our many Italian ancestors, yes…read it.
'Shaka, when the walls fell' and "Temba, his arms wide"
As you may know, I have a great interest in all things Italian. When one of my FB friends suggested I read several Italy related books, I jumped at the chance to do so.
As I started reading this book, it reminded me of a Star Trek: The Next Generation episode (Season 5 episode 2, Darmok) where Captain Picard is trying to communicate with a race that uses illusions to their history and mythology to convey thoughts and intentions. All on the Enterprise cannot understand what they say and the aliens cannot understand what is said to them. Reading this book, I felt like the members of the crew of the USS Enterprise (NCC-1701-D).
This 93-page booklet was written by Gramsci when he was in prison under Mussolini’s fascist rule. During this 10-year period he wrote about the south of Italy and the north of Italy. This was a relationship that involved not only geographic locations, but also rich and poor, farmer and landowner and city and country. The reunification of Italy (and the following decades) was probably one of the more turbulent times in the history of modern Italy.
Even when supposedly unified, the country was separated by language, culture, wealth, and even race. The people of the South were designated as genetically and racially inferior. They were barbarians, uneducated, peasants, farmers and workers of the dirt (“terrone”). The capitalistic north had the bankers (money) and industry and judged to be more European and therefore superior.
During the late 1800’s and early 1900’s, thousands of mostly southern Italians emigrated to the United States. By the 1920’s more than 4 million Italians came to the United States and represented more than 10% of the USA’s foreign-born population. The 1920’s was also when my grandparents came to America.
This book was written when several political and revolutionary ideas were stirring the imaginations and actions of the masses. There were Communists, Socialists, Capitalists and Fascists. The language of this text included terminology I hadn’t seen since my college days (proletariat, bourgeoisie, peasants, etc). These terms and language seen through the lens of modern times are very different from what the men and women of Gramsci’s times believed in.
Each of these groups (Communists, Socialists, Capitalists, Fascists and others) had multiple layers and within these layers, multiple levels of understanding what it meant to be a revolutionary. When you combine these different organizations with their histories and the many unique cultures within Italy; you can probably understand why I had a 'Shaka, when the walls fell' and "Temba, his arms wide" moment. I just do not have the historical knowledge and understanding of these times to fully comprehend what I read.
Having said that, I have gained a fair amount of insight into the trying times that my grandparents experienced so many decades ago. This has enormous value.
As I continue my education in this area, I expect that more and more of Antonio Gramsci’s writings will start to have meaning for me.
Should you read this? For most of us, I’d say no. For those who have a great desire to understand the people of Italy and our many Italian ancestors, yes…read it.
February 14, 2023
“The Sassari Brigade had taken part in the repression of the insurrectional movement of August 1917 in Turin. It was confidently believed that it would never fraternize with the workers, because of the legacy of hatred which every repressive action leaves behind it - both in the masses, as a hatred which is also turned against the material instruments of the repression, and in the ranks, because of the memory of the soldiers who have fallen beneath the blows of the insurgents. The Brigade was welcomed by a throng of ladies and gentlemen, who offered the soldiers flowers, cigars and fruit. The state of mind of the soldiers is well captured by the following account, given by a tannery worker from Sassari involved in the first propagandistic soundings: "I approached a bivouac on X Square (in the first days, the Sardinian soldiers bivouacked in the squares as if in a conquered city) and I spoke with a young peasant, who had welcomed me warmly because I was from Sassari like him. 'What have you come to do in Turin?' 'We have come to shoot the gentry who are on strike.' 'But it is not the gentry who are on strike, it is the workers and they are poor.' 'They're all gentry here: they have collars and ties; they earn 30 lire a day. I know poor people and I know how they are dressed, yes indeed, in Sassari there are lots of poor people; all of us "diggers" are poor and we earn I 1/2 lire a day.' 'But I am a worker too and I am poor.' 'You're poor because you're a Sardinian.' 'But if I go on strike with the others, will you shoot me?' The soldier reflected a bit, then put a hand on my shoulder: 'Listen, when you go on strike with the others, stay at home!’.”
....Did these events have no consequences? On the contrary, they have had results which still subsist to this day and continue to work in the depths of the popular masses. They illuminated, for an instant, brains which had never thought in that way, and which remained marked by them, radically modified. Our archives have been scattered, and we have destroyed many papers ourselves for fear they might lead to arrests and harassment. But we can recall dozens and indeed hundreds of letters sent from Sardinia to the Avanti! editorial offices in Turin; letters which were frequently collective, signed by all the Sassari Brigade veterans in a particular village. By uncontrolled and uncontrollable paths, the political attitude which we supported was disseminated.”.....
______________________________
"The proletariat, in order to become capable as a class of governing, must strip itself of every residue of corporatism, every syndicalist prejudice and incrustation. What does this mean? That, in addition to the need to overcome the distinctions which exist between one trade and another, it is necessary...to overcome certain prejudices and conquer certain forms of egoism which can and do subsist within the working class as such.."
....Did these events have no consequences? On the contrary, they have had results which still subsist to this day and continue to work in the depths of the popular masses. They illuminated, for an instant, brains which had never thought in that way, and which remained marked by them, radically modified. Our archives have been scattered, and we have destroyed many papers ourselves for fear they might lead to arrests and harassment. But we can recall dozens and indeed hundreds of letters sent from Sardinia to the Avanti! editorial offices in Turin; letters which were frequently collective, signed by all the Sassari Brigade veterans in a particular village. By uncontrolled and uncontrollable paths, the political attitude which we supported was disseminated.”.....
______________________________
"The proletariat, in order to become capable as a class of governing, must strip itself of every residue of corporatism, every syndicalist prejudice and incrustation. What does this mean? That, in addition to the need to overcome the distinctions which exist between one trade and another, it is necessary...to overcome certain prejudices and conquer certain forms of egoism which can and do subsist within the working class as such.."
September 1, 2025
Si tratta di una raccolta di scritti, discorsi e articoli di giornale pubblicati da Gramsci nel pieno della sua attività da intellettuale e da militante nelle file del partito comunista, fino al suo arresto. In quanto raccolta, è quasi inevitabile a volte scorgere delle sconnessioni degli argomenti: non va insomma letto come un testo unico, o come si leggerebbe un semplice saggio.
Dapprima una breve indagine sull'unificazione italiana, su quel capitolo di storia risorgimentale tanto celebrato dai libri scolastici scritti dalle tante penne borghesi vincitrici, con i toni trionfali che rimangono ancora invariati al giorno d'oggi.
Gramsci sostiene che sia necessario una profonda reinterpretazione della questione piemontese in chiave imperialista: all'indomani dell'unificazione si sarebbe infatti combattuta una vera e propria guerra civile, che avrebbe causato tra i 100 e i 200 mila morti (stando alle stime più realistiche).
L'autore analizza poi il fenomeno fascista concedendo al tema della questione meridionale un ruolo di protagonista nella vicenda italiana. In breve, Gramsci enfatizza l'importanza storica che avrebbe avuto l'alleanza tra proletariato operaio del nord e contadino del sud nella lotta di classe italiana: solo l'abbattimento dei pregiudizi, la presa di coscienza e in ultima analisi la solidarietà di classe avrebbe potuto sconfiggere la dittatura prima ancora che prendesse forma. Il fascismo infatti viene analizzato in sostanza come fenomeno rurale, guidato dalla borghesia agraria, che avrebbe isolato poi (grazie anche al contributo di noti intelletuali meridionalisti socialisti come Salvemini, Fortunato, Anzimonti, Labriola) la classe operaia, incolpandola dei mali del sud Italia, e favorendo l'odio reciproco tra le due classi proletarie. Troviamo quindi una forte critica nei confronti dei socialisti, che troviamo anche in occasione della scissione di Livorno, alla quale il futuro segretario del partito dedica alcuni paragrafi.
In sostanza, Gramsci sostiene che l'errore storico che avrebbe portato all'avvento del fascismo sarebbe stato proprio questa incapacità (consapevole o non) da parte della classe dirigente di scorgere l'importanza della solidarietà tra proletariato agrario e industriale, che in Italia fa tutto discorso a sé: una grande campagna rurale al sud, una grande città operaia al nord, la base, insomma, dell'Italia regia che conosciamo.
Dapprima una breve indagine sull'unificazione italiana, su quel capitolo di storia risorgimentale tanto celebrato dai libri scolastici scritti dalle tante penne borghesi vincitrici, con i toni trionfali che rimangono ancora invariati al giorno d'oggi.
Gramsci sostiene che sia necessario una profonda reinterpretazione della questione piemontese in chiave imperialista: all'indomani dell'unificazione si sarebbe infatti combattuta una vera e propria guerra civile, che avrebbe causato tra i 100 e i 200 mila morti (stando alle stime più realistiche).
L'autore analizza poi il fenomeno fascista concedendo al tema della questione meridionale un ruolo di protagonista nella vicenda italiana. In breve, Gramsci enfatizza l'importanza storica che avrebbe avuto l'alleanza tra proletariato operaio del nord e contadino del sud nella lotta di classe italiana: solo l'abbattimento dei pregiudizi, la presa di coscienza e in ultima analisi la solidarietà di classe avrebbe potuto sconfiggere la dittatura prima ancora che prendesse forma. Il fascismo infatti viene analizzato in sostanza come fenomeno rurale, guidato dalla borghesia agraria, che avrebbe isolato poi (grazie anche al contributo di noti intelletuali meridionalisti socialisti come Salvemini, Fortunato, Anzimonti, Labriola) la classe operaia, incolpandola dei mali del sud Italia, e favorendo l'odio reciproco tra le due classi proletarie. Troviamo quindi una forte critica nei confronti dei socialisti, che troviamo anche in occasione della scissione di Livorno, alla quale il futuro segretario del partito dedica alcuni paragrafi.
In sostanza, Gramsci sostiene che l'errore storico che avrebbe portato all'avvento del fascismo sarebbe stato proprio questa incapacità (consapevole o non) da parte della classe dirigente di scorgere l'importanza della solidarietà tra proletariato agrario e industriale, che in Italia fa tutto discorso a sé: una grande campagna rurale al sud, una grande città operaia al nord, la base, insomma, dell'Italia regia che conosciamo.
June 13, 2023
To understand, even nowadays the south of Italy this book of Gramsci is essential. Further, the author give some keys to appreciate the vote of contemporary Italians for Giorgia Meloni. Indeed, Italy is a very patchwork of regionalism and the "Risorgimento" is not achieve nowadays. So, this point of view
are precious to understand the complex Italian mind.
are precious to understand the complex Italian mind.
October 27, 2024
Immersió al món gramscià
August 27, 2025
How the hell did I end up reading this I hardly know a thing about Italy!
September 5, 2014
Couldn't understand a thing. Could really have used an intro/prelude with a lot of context.
August 8, 2019
关于知识分子和复兴运动的论述实在太有吸引力了啊，体会到了维斯康蒂当年的心情。NdC（完全非马主义角度）的序言信息量也很大。【这可怕的封面，不知道的还以为他是罗马球迷呢
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews