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A Privilege to Die: Inside Hezbollah's Legions and Their Endless War Against Israel
While Hamas and Al Qaeda are certainly dangerous to Israel and the West, Hezbollah and its millions of foot soldiers are the premier force in the Middle East.
Veteran Middle East correspondent Thanassis Cambanis offers the first detailed look at the surprising cross section of people willing to die for Hezbollah and its uncompromising agenda to remake the map of the region and destroy Israel.
Part standing army, part political party, and part theological movement, Hezbollah is made up not just of unemployed young men but also middle-class engineers, merchants, even nurses. Hezbollah’s widespread popularity rests on its ability to offer its followers economic reform, affordable health care, dependable electricity, efficient courts, and safe streets, as well as victory over Israel. Also unique to the party is its powerful doctrine of self-improvement, which challenges its members to fight ignorance, make money, and engage in safe sex. Millions of demoralized Middle Easterners have gravitated toward these principles, swelling the ranks of what is at heart a radical, militant group. They span economic class, include both fanatics and casual believers, and are sworn to the apocalyptic beliefs of the "Party of God." With its promise of perpetual war, Hezbollah has ushered in a militant renaissance and inspired fighters in Gaza, the West Bank, Egypt, Iraq, and beyond. Whatever their differences, their hatred of Israel and the United States binds them together.
To understand Hezbollah is to understand the fighters and engineers, the women who raise the martyrs, the scouts who plant trees, and the nine-year-old girls who take the veil over the objections of their less militant fathers. Cambanis follows a few Hezbollah families through the ups and downs of the 2006 war with Israel and the continuing preparations for another conflict, letting us listen in to Hezbollah members’ intimate discussions at the kitchen table and on the battlefield. Cambanis’s reporting puts a human face on the Party of God, so we might understand the ideological and religious roots of today’s conflict. His riveting narrative provides an urgent and important exploration of militancy in the Middle East.
Praise for
A PRIVILEGE TO DIE
Veteran Middle East correspondent Thanassis Cambanis offers the first detailed look at the surprising cross section of people willing to die for Hezbollah and its uncompromising agenda to remake the map of the region and destroy Israel.
Part standing army, part political party, and part theological movement, Hezbollah is made up not just of unemployed young men but also middle-class engineers, merchants, even nurses. Hezbollah’s widespread popularity rests on its ability to offer its followers economic reform, affordable health care, dependable electricity, efficient courts, and safe streets, as well as victory over Israel. Also unique to the party is its powerful doctrine of self-improvement, which challenges its members to fight ignorance, make money, and engage in safe sex. Millions of demoralized Middle Easterners have gravitated toward these principles, swelling the ranks of what is at heart a radical, militant group. They span economic class, include both fanatics and casual believers, and are sworn to the apocalyptic beliefs of the "Party of God." With its promise of perpetual war, Hezbollah has ushered in a militant renaissance and inspired fighters in Gaza, the West Bank, Egypt, Iraq, and beyond. Whatever their differences, their hatred of Israel and the United States binds them together.
To understand Hezbollah is to understand the fighters and engineers, the women who raise the martyrs, the scouts who plant trees, and the nine-year-old girls who take the veil over the objections of their less militant fathers. Cambanis follows a few Hezbollah families through the ups and downs of the 2006 war with Israel and the continuing preparations for another conflict, letting us listen in to Hezbollah members’ intimate discussions at the kitchen table and on the battlefield. Cambanis’s reporting puts a human face on the Party of God, so we might understand the ideological and religious roots of today’s conflict. His riveting narrative provides an urgent and important exploration of militancy in the Middle East.
Praise for
A PRIVILEGE TO DIE
319 pages, Kindle Edition
First published September 11, 2010
10 people are currently reading
143 people want to read
About the author
Thanassis Cambanis
9 books13 followersThanassis Cambanis is a journalist who has been writing about the Middle East for more than a decade. His latest book chronicles the idealistic and ultimately failed efforts of Egyptian revolutionaries to build a democratic order after Mubarak. His first book, A Privilege to Die: Inside Hezbollah’s Legions and Their Endless War Against Israel, was published in 2010. He writes “The Internationalist” column for The Boston Globe Ideas section, and regularly contributes to The New York Times, The Atlantic, the Globe (where he served as a foreign correspondent in Iraq and the Middle East), and other publications. He is a fellow at The Century Foundation in New York City. Thanassis studied international affairs for a master's degree at Princeton University, and did his undergraduate work at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He lives in Beirut, Lebanon with his wife Anne Barnard, a reporter for The New York Times, and their two children.
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Displaying 1 - 7 of 7 reviews
July 8, 2013
This well-written book gives an incisive history of Lebanon in the 21st century. It also provides a very human portrayal of Hezbollah; by human I do not necessarily imply “good”.
Mr. Cambanis describes Lebanon from Beirut to South Lebanon when the Israelis gave their sledge-hammer assault in 2006. There are accounts ranging from Hezbollah leader Nazrallah to the recruits, both men and women, who provide the sustaining power to this dynamic organization. It’s a total organization not only furnishing indoctrination to its inner recruits but imparting support and social services to the population – whether Shia, Sunni, Christian – from the liberal irreligious to its core adherents. It has been tolerant to the liberals of Lebanon – so far it has made no serious attempt (under Nazrallah) to set up a Shia religious state like in Iran – the drinking and carousing has been observed, but allowed to continue. It’s probably a useful recruitment ploy that gives an outer amiability to Hezbollah for those who are initially suspicious of their demagogic tone. Hezbollah thrives on representing itself in many different ways to Lebanon’s diverse population. But behind the smiling and inviting façade the core philosophy is a complete hatred of Israel and the Jewish people – coupled with a strict intolerant religious view - for the inner members. The author leaves no doubt that the insides of Hezbollah allow no room for self-reflection and dissidence.
They are fixated on a constant “Orwellian War” with Israel – should that disappear – which doesn’t seem likely in the near future given that both sides lack any imagination for dialogue, preferring a constant war of attrition – Hezbollah’s focus could unravel. Hezbollah’s main purpose centers on “hate” (the most useful tool for all 20th century demagogues) for Israel – but a hate that is understandable considering all the years that Israel occupied Lebanon’s territories and its constant use of overwhelming force. However, if there is a readjustment by one side or both - a re-alignment of Arab states for example – the “hate could become dissipated. Hezbollah did not support Hamas when Israel attacked them in 2008 which caused some consternation.
There are many personal views of Hezbollah’s members – some of which are frightening in that they have been indoctrinated with religious zeal, hatred and an obsession with martyrdom – which does not necessarily refer to suicide but dying for the cause. This too - in the long term – may lead to Hezbollah’s diminishment. Tyrants have never lasted and religious idolatry can over time lead to dissatisfaction (as in Iran). Lebanon is still a part of the wider world and these converts may eventually seek other ways to fill their void. The author does not discuss the Sunni-Shia divide in the Muslim world which could also be detrimental to Hezbollah.
But as the author states, Hezbollah is now the leader of the pack and this book gives a most useful resource for understanding both Hezbollah and Lebanon - and the long years of corroding occupation it has undergone from Israel.
Mr. Cambanis describes Lebanon from Beirut to South Lebanon when the Israelis gave their sledge-hammer assault in 2006. There are accounts ranging from Hezbollah leader Nazrallah to the recruits, both men and women, who provide the sustaining power to this dynamic organization. It’s a total organization not only furnishing indoctrination to its inner recruits but imparting support and social services to the population – whether Shia, Sunni, Christian – from the liberal irreligious to its core adherents. It has been tolerant to the liberals of Lebanon – so far it has made no serious attempt (under Nazrallah) to set up a Shia religious state like in Iran – the drinking and carousing has been observed, but allowed to continue. It’s probably a useful recruitment ploy that gives an outer amiability to Hezbollah for those who are initially suspicious of their demagogic tone. Hezbollah thrives on representing itself in many different ways to Lebanon’s diverse population. But behind the smiling and inviting façade the core philosophy is a complete hatred of Israel and the Jewish people – coupled with a strict intolerant religious view - for the inner members. The author leaves no doubt that the insides of Hezbollah allow no room for self-reflection and dissidence.
They are fixated on a constant “Orwellian War” with Israel – should that disappear – which doesn’t seem likely in the near future given that both sides lack any imagination for dialogue, preferring a constant war of attrition – Hezbollah’s focus could unravel. Hezbollah’s main purpose centers on “hate” (the most useful tool for all 20th century demagogues) for Israel – but a hate that is understandable considering all the years that Israel occupied Lebanon’s territories and its constant use of overwhelming force. However, if there is a readjustment by one side or both - a re-alignment of Arab states for example – the “hate could become dissipated. Hezbollah did not support Hamas when Israel attacked them in 2008 which caused some consternation.
There are many personal views of Hezbollah’s members – some of which are frightening in that they have been indoctrinated with religious zeal, hatred and an obsession with martyrdom – which does not necessarily refer to suicide but dying for the cause. This too - in the long term – may lead to Hezbollah’s diminishment. Tyrants have never lasted and religious idolatry can over time lead to dissatisfaction (as in Iran). Lebanon is still a part of the wider world and these converts may eventually seek other ways to fill their void. The author does not discuss the Sunni-Shia divide in the Muslim world which could also be detrimental to Hezbollah.
But as the author states, Hezbollah is now the leader of the pack and this book gives a most useful resource for understanding both Hezbollah and Lebanon - and the long years of corroding occupation it has undergone from Israel.
December 28, 2012
Probably the best terrorist organization book I've read this year. Thanassis Cambanis presents a very complex, sometimes mystifying look inside Hezbollah and the citizens of Lebanon who support them. It may be easy to brand every supporter of Hezbollah as some psychotically deranged lover of death, but Cambanis finds a bizarre contradiction among the Lebanese people; on one hand they are perfectly reasoned discussing literature and art, but when discussing Israel and Hezbollah, a hatred of the Jews and a cult like reverence for the leadership of Nasrallah and a willingness to die as a martyr for the cause embodied by Hezbollah. Alongside this willingness to die and the almost god-like reverence for Nasrallah exist the very real ambitions that people throughout the world share of lives with families and friends. These duel features make organizations like Hezbollah particularly difficult to deal with because they can mix apocalyptic ideology with social reforms and have an army of willing believers. To the Western reader, there's something tragically perverse about it, but its' lesson we best listen to, as long as we continue to be involved in the Middle East.
December 11, 2013
Written by an American journalist, this book chronicles Hizballah's rise and influence among the Shi'a (and others) in Lebanon. The author interviews Hizballah supporters, fighters, and their families, and hence provides insights into the group and its supporters unavailable to most Western audiences. He does a good job of explaining to the reader how Hizballah sells its ideology to its supporters, and how it uses various social services- as well as ideology- to obtain support. The author intersperses his narrative of the Hizballah supporters with background information about the group and its ruthless actions, focusing more on the leaders in this part. He also discusses the anti-Hizballah politicians of Lebanon, and explains their institutional weaknesses and inability to effectively counter Hizballah and its allies.
January 3, 2011
To my chagrin, I don't understand politics very well. Maybe it's because I'm a female, but enough with sexism! I guess I thought about my hummus when I read this and how Middle Eastern food really is our connection with the Middle East if you don't care or know much about politics. But it was really good for me to know about Hezbollah and Israel and how the people there are so proud of who they are and they're probably much better people than some of us wealthy Americans! REALLY!
September 12, 2011
I didn't like his writing style and really struggled to continue reading it. It got better at the end. If you can believe the author (since it only seems to be his opinion when he makes grand statements about Hezbollah)I have a new appreciation of Hezbollah and it's ability to become an established force in the Middle East.
August 22, 2015
This book took a very long time to read, and I'm not entirely sure of why. I wouldn't call it boring or bad, but somehow demanding anyway. Maybe because I know very little about Lebanon and its history, the book felt difficult to read through. I wouldn't recommend it as an introduction.
That being said, it's a fascinating subject. Cambanis' stories about the individuals he meets and interviews are good, and provide a human angle which doesn't really make the subject any less chilling, but somehow easier to get an idea of. All in all I'd say it's a good portrait of a movement, an ideology, a militia with a social profile and its leaders and base in a truly confusing area.
It's written before the civil war in Syria started, so parts of the last chapter where he speculates a little about the future would need an update. Probably not yet, though, when the situation is so chaotic and practically anything can happen.
That being said, it's a fascinating subject. Cambanis' stories about the individuals he meets and interviews are good, and provide a human angle which doesn't really make the subject any less chilling, but somehow easier to get an idea of. All in all I'd say it's a good portrait of a movement, an ideology, a militia with a social profile and its leaders and base in a truly confusing area.
It's written before the civil war in Syria started, so parts of the last chapter where he speculates a little about the future would need an update. Probably not yet, though, when the situation is so chaotic and practically anything can happen.
March 1, 2012
Really interesting reporting, as Cambanis introduces readers to several Hezbollah members and paints a vivid portrait of them. Some of his broad conclusions lack substantiation, though, and his analysis and characterization of Hezbollah ends up sounding as if it's based too heavily on his relationship with the informants whose stories he tells in the text. I was more interested in the writer's take on Nasrallah's "cult of personality." Those who've been studying Lebanese politics longer might be already familiar with such critiques, but as a relative beginner I learned something about how the leader uses sometimes self-effacing humor in his speeches and maintains a persona full of paradox.
Displaying 1 - 7 of 7 reviews