Dray's book is a fantastic and extensive survey of the history of the American labor movement, in its traditional sense of paid workers organizing to better their conditions against the owners of capital. The narrative mostly traces the heroes and flawed figures in labor unions and the repression from the forces of capital and allies within the state. Dray argues that US labor history has always been an extended conversation between ideology of workers transforming the world and one of pure pragmatism and bread/butter issues, often swinging one way or another with competing organizations and unions. Dray is not shy in giving credit to radicals and revolutionaries for bringing real change, nor is he bashful in praising pure trade unionism for making drastic differences in people's lives. He also notes that, though corporate america has often decried government intervention in industries, it has no problem calling for it when it comes to crushing labor strife, which has commonly done. Employers have mostly consistently opposed gains for its employees unless forced to, from the very beginning, when they opposed cutting long hours because the supposed reason that workers would engage in sinful and immoral leisure activities.
It begins in the 1820s with the movement of factory girls in New England, which brought the earliest strikes to the growing factory and mill system. In these early years of labor unions up until 1877 and some beyond, it was not accepted that there was a permanent low-paid working class that was to be dependent on wages from labor, and instead labor sought to build workers cooperatives and banks as a way to mutually aid themselves out of poverty. By 1877, when a massive railroad strike paralyzed the nation, it was accepted that finally, there was a permanent working class, surging with immigrants and unskilled Americans, and capitalist magnate industrialists who had a huge amount of influence on the government much beyond the old landed aristocracy of Europe. From here, Dray notes the rise of the 3/8th movement and the Knights of Labor that led to radicals being attracted to labor and finally the labor martyrs from Haymarket, which he also notes saw the beginning of the AFL that was composed of traditional craft unions seeking simply higher wages and benefits devoid of social activism. He notes the labor clashes of the 1890s that brought the nation to feeling like it was on the verge of another civil war after Pullman strike at his company towns and the Haymarket battle between Carnegie and his pinkertons and striking workers. He moves to radical currents and calls for industrial democracy, which saw both the rise of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union after the Triangle Shirtwaist fire and employers engaging in ideological warfare with open shop movement. Fabianism became a real current, and progressives in the federal government began working against corporate power in favor of working with "reasonable" unions.
He shows the explosive growth of the IWW which transformed ideas of workers culture and militancy, calling for a union for all workers no matter their job or background, and organized impressive campaigns before they began to be crushed in war hysteria. He moves to how employers temporarily gave better conditions in the 1920s only to snatch them away because of the Great Depression, which saw the rise of Communists as a legitimate force in labor, and militant labor upsurges before the CIO embraced industrial unionism and welcomed radicals, black workers, and women, coupled with pragmatism in winning real gains. This broke hardcore anti-union employers like Ford or US Steel and created more than three decades of labor strength, which he argues wedded itself largely to the Democratic Party in support of the WWII and the strike wave after the war. After the AFL-CIO merger and the expulsion of the Teamsters over corruption, Dray notes that the 1960s saw labor argue for the Democrats Great Society programs and funded civil rights struggles (especially Reuther) but could not reach a consensus on the Vietnam War (many supported the war until the late 60s, when notably the UAW leadership came out against the war) and did not follow the radical turn of youth militants. This also saw the United Farmer Workers civil rights movement before the 1970s-80s saw a large offensive against labor unions, highlighted by Reagan's destruction of the air traffic controllers. Dray notes Catepillar fights, the UPS strike of the mid 90s, and the growth of SEIU as an example of an extreme pragmatic yet using social change messaging. He ends with discussions of global anti-sweatshop and resistance to corporate globalization.
Probably a major weakness, and one that I hesitate to make since its already a 600+ page book, is that he confines his labor history to paid workers, and does not look at slavery and slave revolts even though they were a major laboring competent. He does not look at "women's work" or unpaid domestic work that had been previously only on family farms (though he does spend plenty of time talking about women labor union leaders and women dominant unions.) Lastly, there isn't much social history in the lives of workers here. It is mostly about big strikes and events before moving to the next clash of titans, victories and defeats, heroes and villains (Samuel Gompers, Big Bill Haywood, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Mother Jones, Eugene Debbs, John L. Lewis, Walter Reuther, George Meany, Caesar Chavez etc vs whomever they stood off against.)
That all said, I would assign this as a textbook for a US labor history class, or if someone wanted to know about most of US labor history. The writing is sharp.