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Anna: The Life and Times of C.N. Annadurai
On 6 March 1967; fifty-eight-year-old Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai became chief minister of Madras state; when his party; the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK); swept to power for the first time. Marking the pinnacle of his public life; it reflected his popularity among ordinary people who revered him as Anna; or elder brother. This rich biography illuminates his many lives—as a charismatic leader of modern India; as a stalwart of the Dravidian movement; as the founder of the DMK; as spokesman for the South—besides documenting his abilities as an acclaimed orator and littérateur in Tamil and English; and as a stage actor.
Born into a weaving caste family in Kanchipuram; Anna was exposed to the non-Brahmin politics of the Justice Party during his college years and this interest led him to become a protégé of the radical thinker Periyar E.V. Ramasamy in 1935. Anna promoted his mentor’s ideas of Self-Respect and Tamil identity but not his atheism. Like him; he attacked Brahminism and ‘Aryan’ values as the cause of Tamil political and cultural decadence and opposed the imposition of Hindi as the official language. In 1962 Anna took his independent Dravida Nadu demand to the Rajya Sabha; threatening the nation’s unity. Importantly; he used public speaking; journalism; theatre; cinema and agit-prop to broaden the base of the party; which drew renowned film actors into its fold; a bond that endures to this day.
The book does not shy away from the controversies that surrounded the Dravidian movement and candidly examines Anna’s complex relationship with Periyar. It records Anna’s move to form the DMK in 1949; his split with Sampath in 1961 over the party’s strategy and course; and his disillusionment with the corruption and power politics he witnessed as chief minister.
Kannan draws on Anna’s considerable body of writing; the memoirs of other leaders and authors in Tamil; including critics like the poet Kannadasan; Jayakanthan and P. Ramamurti; apart from secondary sources. Featuring luminaries like Rajagopalachari and Kamaraj; Kalaignar Karunanidhi and MGR; among many others; Anna offers a warm and rounded portrait of a man who showed the way for the democratic expression of regional aspirations within a united India.
Born into a weaving caste family in Kanchipuram; Anna was exposed to the non-Brahmin politics of the Justice Party during his college years and this interest led him to become a protégé of the radical thinker Periyar E.V. Ramasamy in 1935. Anna promoted his mentor’s ideas of Self-Respect and Tamil identity but not his atheism. Like him; he attacked Brahminism and ‘Aryan’ values as the cause of Tamil political and cultural decadence and opposed the imposition of Hindi as the official language. In 1962 Anna took his independent Dravida Nadu demand to the Rajya Sabha; threatening the nation’s unity. Importantly; he used public speaking; journalism; theatre; cinema and agit-prop to broaden the base of the party; which drew renowned film actors into its fold; a bond that endures to this day.
The book does not shy away from the controversies that surrounded the Dravidian movement and candidly examines Anna’s complex relationship with Periyar. It records Anna’s move to form the DMK in 1949; his split with Sampath in 1961 over the party’s strategy and course; and his disillusionment with the corruption and power politics he witnessed as chief minister.
Kannan draws on Anna’s considerable body of writing; the memoirs of other leaders and authors in Tamil; including critics like the poet Kannadasan; Jayakanthan and P. Ramamurti; apart from secondary sources. Featuring luminaries like Rajagopalachari and Kamaraj; Kalaignar Karunanidhi and MGR; among many others; Anna offers a warm and rounded portrait of a man who showed the way for the democratic expression of regional aspirations within a united India.
Hardcover
First published January 1, 2010
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About the author
R. Kannan
6 books3 followersR. Kannan is a child of the Dravidian movement and has long been a commentator on Dravidian politics. Raised and educated at Chennai, Kannan completed his LLM from the University of Georgia and PhD in International Relations from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University. He has served in various capacities with the United Nations in two continents for nearly a quarter of a century. He presently heads the Basra office of the UN Assistance Mission for Iraq. Kannan is married and has two children.
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August 21, 2021
"You and I are common men - but me specially, [am] a common man called upon to shoulder uncommon responsibilities" - C.N. ANNADURAI
திராவிட இயக்கம் பற்றிய நூல்களோ அல்லது திராவிட இயக்க தலைவர்கள் பற்றிய நூல்களோ ஆங்கிலத்தில் வெளியாவது அரிது தான். சமகாலத்தில் அது அதிகரித்தவண்ணம் இருப்பது வரவேற்கத்தக்கது. 2010ஆம் ஆண்டு வெளியான புத்தகம் தான் திரு R. Kannan எழுதிய Anna: The Life and Times of C.N. Annadurai.
புத்தகத்தின் அமைப்பு முறை என்னைக் கவர்ந்தது, இந்நூல் மூன்றுபகுதிகளாக பிரிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. Spring , Summer, Autumn.
Spring - அண்ணாவின் தொடக்ககால அனுபவங்கள், கல்லூரி கால நினைவுகள், முதல் இந்தி எதிர்ப்பு போராட்டம், திராவிடர் கழக செயல்பாடுகள், பெரியாருடனான பரிவு மற்றும் பாசம் , சினிமா மற்றும் இலக்கிய செயல்பாடுகள் போன்றவை எல்லாம் வசந்த காலம் எனும் பகுதியின் கீழ் இடம்பெறுகிறது.
Summer - பெரியாரிடம் இருந்து பிரிந்த காலம் கோடைக் காலம் என குறிப்பிடப்பட்டுள்ளது. புதிய கட்சி தொடங்கி அவர் நடத்திய போராட்டங்கள், மும்முனை போராட்டம், முதல் தேர்தல், EVK சம்பத் பிரிவு, திராவிடநாடு கோரிக்கையை கைவிடுதல் போன்றவை எல்லாம் இந்த பகுதியின் கீழ் இடம்பெறுகிறது.
Autumn- 1967-தேர்தல் வெற்றியில் தொடங்கி அண்ணாவின் மறைவு வரை இலையுதிர் காலம் எனும் பகுதியில் இடம்பெற்றுள்ளது. அண்ணாவின் அமெரிக்க பயணம், இந்தி எதிர்ப்பு போராட்டம், தமிழ்நாடு பெயர்மாற்றம், இருமொழி கொள்கை, சுயமரிதை திருமணங்களுக்கு சட்ட அங்கீகாரம், ஆட்சி அதிகாரத்தில் இருக்கும்போது அவர் சந்தித்த நெருக்கடிகள் எல்லாம் இந்த பகுதியின் முக்கிய அம்சங்களாக சொல்லலாம். கடைசி அத்தியாயம்(Chapter) மிகவும் நெகிழ்வானதாக இருந்தது.
புத்தகத்தின் இறுதியில் கூடுதல் இணைப்பாக அண்ணாவின் அரிய புகைப்படங்கள் இடம்பெற்றுள்ளன.
அண்ணா என்பது சொல் அல்ல அது ஒரு உணர்வு. எத்தனை ஆண்டுகள் கடந்தாலும் ஒவ்வொரு தமிழனின் உணர்வின் வழியாக அவரின் சிந்தனைகள் வெளிபட்டுக் கொண்டே தான் இருக்கும். தன்னை சுற்றி இருப்பவர்களின் நலனில் அவர் கொண்டிருந்த அக்கறை அவர் அகத்தின் பிரதிபலிப்பு. அரசியலில் கொண்டிருந்த ஜனநாயக கொள்கைக்கு அவரின் அரசியல் வாழ்வே ஒரு சாட்சி .
தம்பிகளின் வளர்ச்சியில் அவ்வளவு அக்கறை கொண்ட அண்ணன்களை காண்பது எல்லாம் இக்காலத்தில் அரிதான நிகழ்வு. “பத்து பதினொன்னு ஆவதை விரும்பியவர்” “தம்பிகளின் பிரிவுக்கு கண்ணீர் விட்டவர்” “தம்பி வா தலைமை ஏற்க வா!” என்று அறைகூவல் விட்ட முதல் திராவிட தலைவர் அண்ணா தான்.
அண்ணாவின் அரசியல் கனவும் மாபெரும் இலட்சியத்தை அடிப்படையாகக் கொண்டிருந்தது. அது திராவிட நாடு கோரிக்கையாக இருக்கட்டும், மாநில சுயாட்சி கோரிக்கையாக இருக்கட்டும் அல்லது தமிழ்நாடு பெயர்மாற்றமாக இருக்கட்டும். எல்லாமே ஒரு தொலைதூர செயல்திட்டம் தான்.
அமெரிக்க பயணத்தை முடித்த அண்ணா அந்த வியப்பில் ஒரு பேட்டி அளித்திருப்பார் அதன் வழியே அவரின் கனவை எட்டிப்பார்க்கலாம் “அமரிக்காவின் சாதனைகளை கண்டு வியக்கிறேன். தமிழ்நாட்டின் மனித வளத்தை(Human resource) அடிப்படையாக வைத்து நாங்கள் வளர ஆசைப்படுகிறோம். நமது தேவைகளுக்கு அமெரிக்க முறைகளை நாம் பின்பற்ற வேண்டும். எங்கள் முயற்சியில் எனக்கு அதீத நம்பிக்கை இருக்கிறது. நாம் அமெரிக்கர்களுடன் நெருங்கிய தொடர்புகளைக் கொண்டிருக்க வேண்டும். அமெரிக்கர்களின் வளர்ச்சிக்கு அவர்களின் தொலைநோக்கு பார்வை தான் காரணம்.” என்று அந்த பேட்டி நீளும். தமிழ்நாடு மற்ற மாநிலங்களோடு ஒப்பிடும்போது சமூக பொருளாதார குறியீடுகளில் அதிகம் வளர்ந்திருப்பதற்கு இத்தகைய அபிலாசைகள் முக்கிய காரணம் என்றே சொல்லலாம்.
அண்ணாவின் புத்தக வாசிப்பும் ஒரு ஆச்சரியம் தான். இறுதி நாள் வரை படித்துக்கொண்டும் எழுதி கொண்டுமே இருந்தவர். ஆங்கில இலக்கியம் தொடங்கி தமிழ் வரலாறு வரை, அனைத்தை பற்றியும் ஒரு அபிப்ராயம்(opinion) அவரிடம் இருந்தது. அந்த வகையில் புத்தக வாசிப்பில் அவரை ஒரு முன்னுதாரணமாக கொள்ளலாம்.
இந்த நூலில் சில விசயங்கள் நெருடலாக இருந்தது. அண்ணாவையும் திராவிட இயக்கத்தையயும் விமர்சிக்கும்போது ஜெயகாந்தனையும் கண்ணதாசனையும் மேற்கோளிடுகிறார் நூல் ஆசிரியர். ஒரு கட்சியில் இருந்த விளங்கியவர் சாதாரணமாக அதை எதிர்த்து தான் எழுதுவார் அதும் கவிஞர்களுக்கும் எழுத்தாளர்களுக்கும் பொய் சொல்லவா கற்றுக்கொடுக்க வேண்டும்? அவர்கள் சொல்வதில் எந்த அளவு உண்மை இருக்கிறது என்பது கூட தெரியவில்லை. சில இடங்களில் Margaret ross barnett அவர்களின் ஆய்வு நூலிலிருந்து மேற்கோள்களை குறிப்பிடுகிறார். Ross barnett விமர்சனங்கள் எல்லாம் ஏற்புடையதாக இருந்தாலும், கண்ணதாசன் கக்கிய வன்மங்களை எல்லாம் எதன் அடிப்படையில் நூல் ஆசிரியர் விமர்சனமாக ஏற்றுக்கொண்டார் என்று புரியவில்லை.
அண்ணாவிடம் இருந்து தம்பிகள் கற்க வேண்டிய பாடம் ஏராளம் இருக்கிறது. அவற்றை தொடர்ந்து பேசியும் எழுதியும் பரப்பியும் வருவது அவரின் கருத்துக்கள் உயிர்ப்புடன் இருக்க நிச்சயம் பயன்படும். அது காலத்தின் தேவையும் கூட.
அண்ணாவை போல் எளிமையான குடும்ப பின்னணியில் பிறந்து, தனி கட்சி தொடங்கி, தேர்தல் அரசியலில் பங்கேற்று 10 ஆண்டுகளில் ஆட்சியை பிடிப்பதை எல்லாம் இன்று நினைத்து பார்த்தால் வியப்பாக தான் இருக்கும். அண்ணா எளிமையானவர் தான் ஆனால் அண்ணாவை போல் தலைவர்கள் கிடைப்பது எளிமையான காரியம் அல்ல. அதனால் தான் அண்ணா மறைந்த போது கலைஞர் எழுதினார் "கொடுமைக்கு முடிவுகண்டாய்; எமைக் கொடுமைக்கு ஆளாக்கி ஏன் சென்றாய்?". சிவாஜி கணேசன் தனது தாயின் இறப்போடு அண்ணாவின் இறப்பை ஒப்பிட்டார். தந்தை பெரியார் "யானறிந்தவரையில் சரித்திரம் கண்டவரை அண்ணா முடிவுக்குப் பொதுமக்கள் காட்டிய துக்கத்தில் நான்கில், எட்டில் ஒரு பங்கு கூட வேறு எவருக்கும் காட்டியதாக நிகழ்ச்சி கிடையாது. அந்த அளவுக்கு அண்ணா தமிழ் மக்கள் உள்ளத்தில் இடம்பெற்றுவிட்டார்!" என்று அறிக்கை வெளியிட்டார்.
ஆங்கில வாசகர்களுக்கு அண்ணாவை அறிமுகப்படுத்த வேண்டும் என்று நினைக்கும் நண்பர்கள் இந்நூலை அவசியம் பரிந்துரைக்கலாம்.
வாழ்க தமிழ்!
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blog link : https://linktr.ee/gowtham7
திராவிட இயக்கம் பற்றிய நூல்களோ அல்லது திராவிட இயக்க தலைவர்கள் பற்றிய நூல்களோ ஆங்கிலத்தில் வெளியாவது அரிது தான். சமகாலத்தில் அது அதிகரித்தவண்ணம் இருப்பது வரவேற்கத்தக்கது. 2010ஆம் ஆண்டு வெளியான புத்தகம் தான் திரு R. Kannan எழுதிய Anna: The Life and Times of C.N. Annadurai.
புத்தகத்தின் அமைப்பு முறை என்னைக் கவர்ந்தது, இந்நூல் மூன்றுபகுதிகளாக பிரிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. Spring , Summer, Autumn.
Spring - அண்ணாவின் தொடக்ககால அனுபவங்கள், கல்லூரி கால நினைவுகள், முதல் இந்தி எதிர்ப்பு போராட்டம், திராவிடர் கழக செயல்பாடுகள், பெரியாருடனான பரிவு மற்றும் பாசம் , சினிமா மற்றும் இலக்கிய செயல்பாடுகள் போன்றவை எல்லாம் வசந்த காலம் எனும் பகுதியின் கீழ் இடம்பெறுகிறது.
Summer - பெரியாரிடம் இருந்து பிரிந்த காலம் கோடைக் காலம் என குறிப்பிடப்பட்டுள்ளது. புதிய கட்சி தொடங்கி அவர் நடத்திய போராட்டங்கள், மும்முனை போராட்டம், முதல் தேர்தல், EVK சம்பத் பிரிவு, திராவிடநாடு கோரிக்கையை கைவிடுதல் போன்றவை எல்லாம் இந்த பகுதியின் கீழ் இடம்பெறுகிறது.
Autumn- 1967-தேர்தல் வெற்றியில் தொடங்கி அண்ணாவின் மறைவு வரை இலையுதிர் காலம் எனும் பகுதியில் இடம்பெற்றுள்ளது. அண்ணாவின் அமெரிக்க பயணம், இந்தி எதிர்ப்பு போராட்டம், தமிழ்நாடு பெயர்மாற்றம், இருமொழி கொள்கை, சுயமரிதை திருமணங்களுக்கு சட்ட அங்கீகாரம், ஆட்சி அதிகாரத்தில் இருக்கும்போது அவர் சந்தித்த நெருக்கடிகள் எல்லாம் இந்த பகுதியின் முக்கிய அம்சங்களாக சொல்லலாம். கடைசி அத்தியாயம்(Chapter) மிகவும் நெகிழ்வானதாக இருந்தது.
புத்தகத்தின் இறுதியில் கூடுதல் இணைப்பாக அண்ணாவின் அரிய புகைப்படங்கள் இடம்பெற்றுள்ளன.
அண்ணா என்பது சொல் அல்ல அது ஒரு உணர்வு. எத்தனை ஆண்டுகள் கடந்தாலும் ஒவ்வொரு தமிழனின் உணர்வின் வழியாக அவரின் சிந்தனைகள் வெளிபட்டுக் கொண்டே தான் இருக்கும். தன்னை சுற்றி இருப்பவர்களின் நலனில் அவர் கொண்டிருந்த அக்கறை அவர் அகத்தின் பிரதிபலிப்பு. அரசியலில் கொண்டிருந்த ஜனநாயக கொள்கைக்கு அவரின் அரசியல் வாழ்வே ஒரு சாட்சி .
தம்பிகளின் வளர்ச்சியில் அவ்வளவு அக்கறை கொண்ட அண்ணன்களை காண்பது எல்லாம் இக்காலத்தில் அரிதான நிகழ்வு. “பத்து பதினொன்னு ஆவதை விரும்பியவர்” “தம்பிகளின் பிரிவுக்கு கண்ணீர் விட்டவர்” “தம்பி வா தலைமை ஏற்க வா!” என்று அறைகூவல் விட்ட முதல் திராவிட தலைவர் அண்ணா தான்.
அண்ணாவின் அரசியல் கனவும் மாபெரும் இலட்சியத்தை அடிப்படையாகக் கொண்டிருந்தது. அது திராவிட நாடு கோரிக்கையாக இருக்கட்டும், மாநில சுயாட்சி கோரிக்கையாக இருக்கட்டும் அல்லது தமிழ்நாடு பெயர்மாற்றமாக இருக்கட்டும். எல்லாமே ஒரு தொலைதூர செயல்திட்டம் தான்.
அமெரிக்க பயணத்தை முடித்த அண்ணா அந்த வியப்பில் ஒரு பேட்டி அளித்திருப்பார் அதன் வழியே அவரின் கனவை எட்டிப்பார்க்கலாம் “அமரிக்காவின் சாதனைகளை கண்டு வியக்கிறேன். தமிழ்நாட்டின் மனித வளத்தை(Human resource) அடிப்படையாக வைத்து நாங்கள் வளர ஆசைப்படுகிறோம். நமது தேவைகளுக்கு அமெரிக்க முறைகளை நாம் பின்பற்ற வேண்டும். எங்கள் முயற்சியில் எனக்கு அதீத நம்பிக்கை இருக்கிறது. நாம் அமெரிக்கர்களுடன் நெருங்கிய தொடர்புகளைக் கொண்டிருக்க வேண்டும். அமெரிக்கர்களின் வளர்ச்சிக்கு அவர்களின் தொலைநோக்கு பார்வை தான் காரணம்.” என்று அந்த பேட்டி நீளும். தமிழ்நாடு மற்ற மாநிலங்களோடு ஒப்பிடும்போது சமூக பொருளாதார குறியீடுகளில் அதிகம் வளர்ந்திருப்பதற்கு இத்தகைய அபிலாசைகள் முக்கிய காரணம் என்றே சொல்லலாம்.
அண்ணாவின் புத்தக வாசிப்பும் ஒரு ஆச்சரியம் தான். இறுதி நாள் வரை படித்துக்கொண்டும் எழுதி கொண்டுமே இருந்தவர். ஆங்கில இலக்கியம் தொடங்கி தமிழ் வரலாறு வரை, அனைத்தை பற்றியும் ஒரு அபிப்ராயம்(opinion) அவரிடம் இருந்தது. அந்த வகையில் புத்தக வாசிப்பில் அவரை ஒரு முன்னுதாரணமாக கொள்ளலாம்.
இந்த நூலில் சில விசயங்கள் நெருடலாக இருந்தது. அண்ணாவையும் திராவிட இயக்கத்தையயும் விமர்சிக்கும்போது ஜெயகாந்தனையும் கண்ணதாசனையும் மேற்கோளிடுகிறார் நூல் ஆசிரியர். ஒரு கட்சியில் இருந்த விளங்கியவர் சாதாரணமாக அதை எதிர்த்து தான் எழுதுவார் அதும் கவிஞர்களுக்கும் எழுத்தாளர்களுக்கும் பொய் சொல்லவா கற்றுக்கொடுக்க வேண்டும்? அவர்கள் சொல்வதில் எந்த அளவு உண்மை இருக்கிறது என்பது கூட தெரியவில்லை. சில இடங்களில் Margaret ross barnett அவர்களின் ஆய்வு நூலிலிருந்து மேற்கோள்களை குறிப்பிடுகிறார். Ross barnett விமர்சனங்கள் எல்லாம் ஏற்புடையதாக இருந்தாலும், கண்ணதாசன் கக்கிய வன்மங்களை எல்லாம் எதன் அடிப்படையில் நூல் ஆசிரியர் விமர்சனமாக ஏற்றுக்கொண்டார் என்று புரியவில்லை.
அண்ணாவிடம் இருந்து தம்பிகள் கற்க வேண்டிய பாடம் ஏராளம் இருக்கிறது. அவற்றை தொடர்ந்து பேசியும் எழுதியும் பரப்பியும் வருவது அவரின் கருத்துக்கள் உயிர்ப்புடன் இருக்க நிச்சயம் பயன்படும். அது காலத்தின் தேவையும் கூட.
அண்ணாவை போல் எளிமையான குடும்ப பின்னணியில் பிறந்து, தனி கட்சி தொடங்கி, தேர்தல் அரசியலில் பங்கேற்று 10 ஆண்டுகளில் ஆட்சியை பிடிப்பதை எல்லாம் இன்று நினைத்து பார்த்தால் வியப்பாக தான் இருக்கும். அண்ணா எளிமையானவர் தான் ஆனால் அண்ணாவை போல் தலைவர்கள் கிடைப்பது எளிமையான காரியம் அல்ல. அதனால் தான் அண்ணா மறைந்த போது கலைஞர் எழுதினார் "கொடுமைக்கு முடிவுகண்டாய்; எமைக் கொடுமைக்கு ஆளாக்கி ஏன் சென்றாய்?". சிவாஜி கணேசன் தனது தாயின் இறப்போடு அண்ணாவின் இறப்பை ஒப்பிட்டார். தந்தை பெரியார் "யானறிந்தவரையில் சரித்திரம் கண்டவரை அண்ணா முடிவுக்குப் பொதுமக்கள் காட்டிய துக்கத்தில் நான்கில், எட்டில் ஒரு பங்கு கூட வேறு எவருக்கும் காட்டியதாக நிகழ்ச்சி கிடையாது. அந்த அளவுக்கு அண்ணா தமிழ் மக்கள் உள்ளத்தில் இடம்பெற்றுவிட்டார்!" என்று அறிக்கை வெளியிட்டார்.
ஆங்கில வாசகர்களுக்கு அண்ணாவை அறிமுகப்படுத்த வேண்டும் என்று நினைக்கும் நண்பர்கள் இந்நூலை அவசியம் பரிந்துரைக்கலாம்.
வாழ்க தமிழ்!
வளர்க பகுத்தறிவு!
blog link : https://linktr.ee/gowtham7
January 21, 2024
This book felt like a journey alongside Anna, the man who dreamt of a glorious Tamil Nadu. Much like Nehru, who had higher aspirations for India with Gandhi as his guiding light, Anna was a similar towering figure with an amalgamation of egalitarian ideas and self-determination, who considered Periyar as his political father. No wonder many writers of his contemporary times drew parallels between Nehru and Anna for their ability to draw large crowds, exceptional intellect, and political acumen. A prolific writer who could refer extensively to classics and contemporary political events, Anna was a multifaceted personality who excelled in writing screenplay, theatre and drama, and speeches.
Last year, I read The Evolution of Pragmatism in India, in which Scott R. Stroud analyzed the influence of John Dewey on Ambedkar’s pragmatism. In the South, Anna held similar pragmatism, evident from his stance on multiple occasions, be it his difference of opinion with Periyar on Independence Day or dropping the idea of Dravida Nadu during the Chinese aggression and 16th Constitutional amendment. For Anna, pragmatism was the ability to be not on the wrong side of history. Speaking of not being on the wrong side of history, today millions of Tamils revere him for his stance on English as a link language, his law on self-respect marriage (wedding without rituals), and for renaming the Madras state as Tamil Nadu (Nadu meaning country in Tamil) which the Tamils do consider as three most historically right decisions in the history of independent India.
For the followers of Anna, his life is a lesson in itself. Anna’s ability to point out the home truths and disarm majoritarian-centric arguments still has a stronghold in the political narrative of the present-day Tamil state. In that sense, Anna still lives.
Last year, I read The Evolution of Pragmatism in India, in which Scott R. Stroud analyzed the influence of John Dewey on Ambedkar’s pragmatism. In the South, Anna held similar pragmatism, evident from his stance on multiple occasions, be it his difference of opinion with Periyar on Independence Day or dropping the idea of Dravida Nadu during the Chinese aggression and 16th Constitutional amendment. For Anna, pragmatism was the ability to be not on the wrong side of history. Speaking of not being on the wrong side of history, today millions of Tamils revere him for his stance on English as a link language, his law on self-respect marriage (wedding without rituals), and for renaming the Madras state as Tamil Nadu (Nadu meaning country in Tamil) which the Tamils do consider as three most historically right decisions in the history of independent India.
For the followers of Anna, his life is a lesson in itself. Anna’s ability to point out the home truths and disarm majoritarian-centric arguments still has a stronghold in the political narrative of the present-day Tamil state. In that sense, Anna still lives.
April 7, 2021
Though this book has been in our shelf for almost a year now, I decided to pick it up in the days leading up to the current round of assembly elections. I felt that this really is the apt time to read this book, considering the fact that the one remaining dravidian party (the other has been almost made subservient to the sangh parivar, after the passing of Jayalalitha) is projected to assume power in Tamil Nadu after a gap of a few years.
R.Kannan's biography of C.N.Annadurai is not just about the person who has come to tower over all the political figures in Tamil Nadu, but is also a chronicle of a crucial period in the dravidian movement in the state, when the non-Brahmin Justice Party was transformed into the political Dravidar Kazhagam, laying the foundations of Tamil cultural and political nationalism, and the transformation of the same into the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, five years by later in 1949, by Anna who makes a decisive break from his mentor E.V.Ramasamy 'Periyar'. A decade later, in 1962, the party would become the principal opposition party in the state, and in 1967, Anna would become the first DMK Chief Minister.
Kannan starts the story from much before Anna becomes active in politics, at a time when Periyar is busy sowing the seeds of the Dravidian movement, burning Manusmriti, shattering images of gods to prove that they have no sanctity and pointing at the dominance of the Brahmins in the Congress and also touches upon the works of people like Thyagaraja Chettiar who issued the non-Brahmin manifesto in 1916.
The anti-Hindi agitation, the memories of which still has influence in south, also is covered in detail. To the argument that Hindi is the language spoken by the largest number of people in India, Anna used to argue that by the same logic the national bird of the country should be crow and not the peacock. Kannan also points at how the party slowly went back from Periyar's early calls for a separate Dravida Nadu, which also happens to be the name of the weekly that Anna launched in 1942.
The Dravida Nadu magazine showcased Anna's wide array of talents, with him writing in as many as 20 pseudonyms, penning essays, short stories, one-act plays and commentaries. Soon, he also established the Dravida Drama Troupe and wrote his maiden play 'Chandrodayam', a social propagandist play. It came at a time when it was inconceivable that plays could address social issues, and freed theatre from the clutches of myths and epics. 'Chandrodayam' was a scathing attack on pontiffs, 'Velaikkari' exposed feudal heartlessness and extolled inter-caste marriage, 'Kaadal Jothi' spoke of widow remarriage, 'Sorgavaasal' showed that atheists could be moral and theists duplicitous, and 'Sivaji Kanda Hindu Rajyam', which gave a then 17-year old Ganesan his popular name of Sivaji Ganesan. Anna and his 'thambis' including Kalaignar Karunaniddhi would seen turn Tamil cinema into a potent tool for social and political propaganda, starting with 'Velaikkari'. Kannan notes how the faith of the heroes in these films was limited to deities of the non-Brahmin pantheon.
The book deals at length with the rift between Anna and his mentor Periyar, who wished that social reforms should happen before political reforms and tended to stay away from political power. Anna also disagreed with Periyar in celebrating India's independence, which he saw as a day of joy, while Periyar saw it as 'British-Bania-Brahmin contractual day'. While conceding to Periyar that north Indian rule would substitute British rule, he said that if the north turned out to be imperialist and exploitative like the British, one could get ride of the their yoke too. Anna used allegorical stories in Dravida Nadu to convey his displeasure to the mentor over various issues thet kept brewing between them. The major break between them was over Periyar's decision to marry the much younger Maniammai, going against his own preachings. This break finally led to the founding of the DMK, with Anna joined by the likes of Navalar Nedunchezhian. But, despite all the bad blood, Anna named Periyar as the party's titular president, even though he never accepted that post.
Kannan traces the quick growth of the DMK, with 600 units and 50,000 members enrolling within a month, and the strategies used to reach out to the various sections. He notes how the DMK engaged in a serious propaganda campaign against the repression on the Communists, especially after 22 Communists were gunned down in the Salem Jail in 1950. To form an opinion on the DMK and its early strategies, Kannan depends quiet a lot on Jayakanthan's Literary Man's Political Experiences, some of whose views are a little uncharitable. Kalaignar's film Parasakthi was one of the early engines of growth for the DMK. Later, with his scripts for MGR, he aided the star's as well as the party's growth among the masses. MGR famously waved the party flag in 'Nadodi Mannan' in 1958.
Anna, even back then, was prescient about the future that centre-state relations could take. He once told Vinobha Bhave - "Instead of viewing it as the centre's injustice causing bitterness, you should understand that if there is a centre, there will always be unfairness. At the moment those who are fair-minded are with the Congress, but in the future generations, there will be more unfairness." Although he had only a short stint in power as the CM, with his tenure cut short by illness and his passing away, he did firmly put in place the ideas of social justice in governance that would give a direction to the party in the decades to come.
R.Kannan's biography of C.N.Annadurai is not just about the person who has come to tower over all the political figures in Tamil Nadu, but is also a chronicle of a crucial period in the dravidian movement in the state, when the non-Brahmin Justice Party was transformed into the political Dravidar Kazhagam, laying the foundations of Tamil cultural and political nationalism, and the transformation of the same into the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, five years by later in 1949, by Anna who makes a decisive break from his mentor E.V.Ramasamy 'Periyar'. A decade later, in 1962, the party would become the principal opposition party in the state, and in 1967, Anna would become the first DMK Chief Minister.
Kannan starts the story from much before Anna becomes active in politics, at a time when Periyar is busy sowing the seeds of the Dravidian movement, burning Manusmriti, shattering images of gods to prove that they have no sanctity and pointing at the dominance of the Brahmins in the Congress and also touches upon the works of people like Thyagaraja Chettiar who issued the non-Brahmin manifesto in 1916.
The anti-Hindi agitation, the memories of which still has influence in south, also is covered in detail. To the argument that Hindi is the language spoken by the largest number of people in India, Anna used to argue that by the same logic the national bird of the country should be crow and not the peacock. Kannan also points at how the party slowly went back from Periyar's early calls for a separate Dravida Nadu, which also happens to be the name of the weekly that Anna launched in 1942.
The Dravida Nadu magazine showcased Anna's wide array of talents, with him writing in as many as 20 pseudonyms, penning essays, short stories, one-act plays and commentaries. Soon, he also established the Dravida Drama Troupe and wrote his maiden play 'Chandrodayam', a social propagandist play. It came at a time when it was inconceivable that plays could address social issues, and freed theatre from the clutches of myths and epics. 'Chandrodayam' was a scathing attack on pontiffs, 'Velaikkari' exposed feudal heartlessness and extolled inter-caste marriage, 'Kaadal Jothi' spoke of widow remarriage, 'Sorgavaasal' showed that atheists could be moral and theists duplicitous, and 'Sivaji Kanda Hindu Rajyam', which gave a then 17-year old Ganesan his popular name of Sivaji Ganesan. Anna and his 'thambis' including Kalaignar Karunaniddhi would seen turn Tamil cinema into a potent tool for social and political propaganda, starting with 'Velaikkari'. Kannan notes how the faith of the heroes in these films was limited to deities of the non-Brahmin pantheon.
The book deals at length with the rift between Anna and his mentor Periyar, who wished that social reforms should happen before political reforms and tended to stay away from political power. Anna also disagreed with Periyar in celebrating India's independence, which he saw as a day of joy, while Periyar saw it as 'British-Bania-Brahmin contractual day'. While conceding to Periyar that north Indian rule would substitute British rule, he said that if the north turned out to be imperialist and exploitative like the British, one could get ride of the their yoke too. Anna used allegorical stories in Dravida Nadu to convey his displeasure to the mentor over various issues thet kept brewing between them. The major break between them was over Periyar's decision to marry the much younger Maniammai, going against his own preachings. This break finally led to the founding of the DMK, with Anna joined by the likes of Navalar Nedunchezhian. But, despite all the bad blood, Anna named Periyar as the party's titular president, even though he never accepted that post.
Kannan traces the quick growth of the DMK, with 600 units and 50,000 members enrolling within a month, and the strategies used to reach out to the various sections. He notes how the DMK engaged in a serious propaganda campaign against the repression on the Communists, especially after 22 Communists were gunned down in the Salem Jail in 1950. To form an opinion on the DMK and its early strategies, Kannan depends quiet a lot on Jayakanthan's Literary Man's Political Experiences, some of whose views are a little uncharitable. Kalaignar's film Parasakthi was one of the early engines of growth for the DMK. Later, with his scripts for MGR, he aided the star's as well as the party's growth among the masses. MGR famously waved the party flag in 'Nadodi Mannan' in 1958.
Anna, even back then, was prescient about the future that centre-state relations could take. He once told Vinobha Bhave - "Instead of viewing it as the centre's injustice causing bitterness, you should understand that if there is a centre, there will always be unfairness. At the moment those who are fair-minded are with the Congress, but in the future generations, there will be more unfairness." Although he had only a short stint in power as the CM, with his tenure cut short by illness and his passing away, he did firmly put in place the ideas of social justice in governance that would give a direction to the party in the decades to come.
March 29, 2020
The state of Tamil Nadu exhibited a deviant streak of local nationalism right from the days of the independent struggle. Emancipation of the non-Brahmin castes took place early in this state, which in turn manifested itself in violent anti-Brahminism and opposition to the Congress party which led the freedom agitation from the forefront but was a monopoly of the Brahmins. The anti-Congress front was managed by E V Ramaswamy Naicker who attracted the cream of non-Brahmin Tamil youth. Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai (1909 – 1969) was the most prominent among them. Breaking up from his guru on ideological niceties, Annadurai (popularly known as Anna, elder brother in Tamil) enlarged his Dravida movement by relentless propaganda through plays, movies and speeches. Eventually, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK, Dravida Advancement Party) won power in Tamil Nadu in 1967 and Anna became its chief minister. He died of cancer two years later and his funeral was attended by the largest crowd in the world in recorded history. This was because of his exemplary qualities as an honest and perfect gentleman in politics and the image of an elder brother of the masses. Born in an intermediate caste of weavers, he always displayed the humility inherent in an ordinary man. He was also a wizard of letters. Anna’s speeches dazzled listeners for their kaleidoscopic alliterations, metaphors and unorthodox syntaxes as also for their content. Such was his appeal that on occasion tickets were sold for his speeches. This book is the biography of Annadurai as told by R Kannan, who is an eminent scholar of law. He has also served in various capacities with the UN, including as head of civil affairs in Cyprus.
This book presents the background for the rise of non-Brahmin ideology in Tamil Nadu. Christian missionaries had harped on the Dravidian identity and deftly manipulated it to widen the caste-fissures in Hindu society. Justice party was born from non-Brahmin association and it supported the British, even in 1919 when the Jallianwala Bagh massacre took place. However, this shameless allegiance brought it indelible shame and dishonor. In the 1940s, when it became evident that the British would eventually leave India, the Justice party started criticizing them. EVR Naicker transformed the Justice party into an apolitical Dravidar Kazhagam (DK). But when Naicker decided to marry his maid who was so young to be his granddaughter and to make her his heir to the Kazhagam, Anna and others split and formed the DMK. This was a political organization that fought and won elections.
The unmistakably racist bend of Dravida politics provide a chillingly prescient comparison to the Nazis of Germany. Even the gentle Anna declared that ‘Tamils should have art that instills the Tamil code, Tamil ways, morality, bravery, chastity and love; not one that lauds another race (italics mine) and grants it dominance and makes Tamils feel inferior about their race. Such stories should be consigned to the fire’ (p.64). This was in reference to the Ramayana and other Hindu epics. EVR planned to constitute a volunteer corps in 1945 to serve at party meetings. Taking motivation from the Nazi paramilitary wing, he wanted to christen it the Blackshirts. And this was so soon after Hitler’s defeat in the World War.
Another crucial aspect of the Dravida movement that is given prime focus is the anti-national mentality of most of its leaders. EVR’s Dravidar Kazhagam termed India’s first independence day on 15 August 1947 as ‘a day of mourning’ (p.114). The book includes correspondence between EVR and Muhammal Ali Jinnah asking help from the latter to voice the demand for a separate Dravidastan, but Jinnah, sensing lack of popular support for the idea, tried to dissociate from it. EVR described political freedom from the British in 1947 as a ‘British-Bania-Brahmin contract’. Even though Anna himself craved for Dravida Nadu, he characterized the Independence Day as a ‘day of joy’. But when the Republic Day arrived on 26 January 1950, he found it ‘a day of dissatisfaction, bitterness and condemnation’. However, the DMK slackened when it became abundantly clear that the Indian republic wound not countenance separatism. EVR then compared Dravida Nadu to an onion amounting to nothing when peeled right down to the core. After the 1956 states reorganization, the DMK was convinced of the total absence of support from the other south Indian states and the demand died out. Anna had insisted for the grant of Dravida Nadu in the Rajya Sabha, but the Nehru government proscribed any secessionist advocacy in 1963 by a constitutional amendment. DMK meekly gave in to this and chose to be content with renaming the state from Madras to Tamil Nadu. Thoughtless policies of the Congress which mandated the use of Hindi in non-Hindi speaking states resulted in a wave of violent protest across Tamil Nadu many times and the self-restraint still exhibited by northern politicians on this issue was largely due to the agitation by the DMK.
Kannan brings out the personal qualities of Anna. He rose from a humble background and led a simple life till the end. The party workers venerated him as an elder brother. His literary skills helped the party strike roots in Tamil Nadu. The author claims that he probably thought in English which when transformed into Tamil were refreshingly new and captivating. His formulations were limpid, diction new, style evocative and delivery smooth. However, the party depended too much on movies. Anna’s movie scripts contained radical, social reformist messages. Before him, Tamil cinema was in thrall of a formula which depended largely on epics, legends and myths, leaving little room for social consciousness or creativity (p.128). As time went on, other leaders found the prominence of movie stars a cause for concern. This caused much heartburn among career politicians. Even gifted speakers had to yield to the stars in public meetings. Anna encouraged it and didn’t wish to tinker with what had become a successful formula. Even after half a century later, matinee idols still control politics in the state.
The author also sheds light on the deep factionalism of the overzealous acolytes of Anna such as Kalaignar Karunanidhi who wanted to get hold of the party after Anna. In fact, the machinations had started even as the great leader lay dying in the hospital. During his life time too, complacence among the party workers had led to Anna’s defeat in the 1962 assembly elections. The man who defeated him was the owner of a bus company who would not speak even once in the assembly.
The book is easy to read, but is having an awful structure. It is fundamentally a history of the Dravida movement paraphrased with brief episodes from Anna’s life. An incident during the last days of Anna is worth mentioning here. Anna was admitted in a critical condition in a Chennai hospital and a doctor had arrived from abroad to perform a surgery which was considered very risky. Anna asked the doctor whether he was going to operate on him the next day. The doctor said yes but Anna implored him to do it on the day after. The doctor asked in surprise whether he was looking for an auspicious day as Anna was well known to be a committed rationalist. Anna vehemently denied it and said that he was midway through a book which will be completed only on the next day and that it did not matter what happened thereafter. It is difficult to come across such gem of a bibliophile among India’s politicians.
The book is recommended.
This book presents the background for the rise of non-Brahmin ideology in Tamil Nadu. Christian missionaries had harped on the Dravidian identity and deftly manipulated it to widen the caste-fissures in Hindu society. Justice party was born from non-Brahmin association and it supported the British, even in 1919 when the Jallianwala Bagh massacre took place. However, this shameless allegiance brought it indelible shame and dishonor. In the 1940s, when it became evident that the British would eventually leave India, the Justice party started criticizing them. EVR Naicker transformed the Justice party into an apolitical Dravidar Kazhagam (DK). But when Naicker decided to marry his maid who was so young to be his granddaughter and to make her his heir to the Kazhagam, Anna and others split and formed the DMK. This was a political organization that fought and won elections.
The unmistakably racist bend of Dravida politics provide a chillingly prescient comparison to the Nazis of Germany. Even the gentle Anna declared that ‘Tamils should have art that instills the Tamil code, Tamil ways, morality, bravery, chastity and love; not one that lauds another race (italics mine) and grants it dominance and makes Tamils feel inferior about their race. Such stories should be consigned to the fire’ (p.64). This was in reference to the Ramayana and other Hindu epics. EVR planned to constitute a volunteer corps in 1945 to serve at party meetings. Taking motivation from the Nazi paramilitary wing, he wanted to christen it the Blackshirts. And this was so soon after Hitler’s defeat in the World War.
Another crucial aspect of the Dravida movement that is given prime focus is the anti-national mentality of most of its leaders. EVR’s Dravidar Kazhagam termed India’s first independence day on 15 August 1947 as ‘a day of mourning’ (p.114). The book includes correspondence between EVR and Muhammal Ali Jinnah asking help from the latter to voice the demand for a separate Dravidastan, but Jinnah, sensing lack of popular support for the idea, tried to dissociate from it. EVR described political freedom from the British in 1947 as a ‘British-Bania-Brahmin contract’. Even though Anna himself craved for Dravida Nadu, he characterized the Independence Day as a ‘day of joy’. But when the Republic Day arrived on 26 January 1950, he found it ‘a day of dissatisfaction, bitterness and condemnation’. However, the DMK slackened when it became abundantly clear that the Indian republic wound not countenance separatism. EVR then compared Dravida Nadu to an onion amounting to nothing when peeled right down to the core. After the 1956 states reorganization, the DMK was convinced of the total absence of support from the other south Indian states and the demand died out. Anna had insisted for the grant of Dravida Nadu in the Rajya Sabha, but the Nehru government proscribed any secessionist advocacy in 1963 by a constitutional amendment. DMK meekly gave in to this and chose to be content with renaming the state from Madras to Tamil Nadu. Thoughtless policies of the Congress which mandated the use of Hindi in non-Hindi speaking states resulted in a wave of violent protest across Tamil Nadu many times and the self-restraint still exhibited by northern politicians on this issue was largely due to the agitation by the DMK.
Kannan brings out the personal qualities of Anna. He rose from a humble background and led a simple life till the end. The party workers venerated him as an elder brother. His literary skills helped the party strike roots in Tamil Nadu. The author claims that he probably thought in English which when transformed into Tamil were refreshingly new and captivating. His formulations were limpid, diction new, style evocative and delivery smooth. However, the party depended too much on movies. Anna’s movie scripts contained radical, social reformist messages. Before him, Tamil cinema was in thrall of a formula which depended largely on epics, legends and myths, leaving little room for social consciousness or creativity (p.128). As time went on, other leaders found the prominence of movie stars a cause for concern. This caused much heartburn among career politicians. Even gifted speakers had to yield to the stars in public meetings. Anna encouraged it and didn’t wish to tinker with what had become a successful formula. Even after half a century later, matinee idols still control politics in the state.
The author also sheds light on the deep factionalism of the overzealous acolytes of Anna such as Kalaignar Karunanidhi who wanted to get hold of the party after Anna. In fact, the machinations had started even as the great leader lay dying in the hospital. During his life time too, complacence among the party workers had led to Anna’s defeat in the 1962 assembly elections. The man who defeated him was the owner of a bus company who would not speak even once in the assembly.
The book is easy to read, but is having an awful structure. It is fundamentally a history of the Dravida movement paraphrased with brief episodes from Anna’s life. An incident during the last days of Anna is worth mentioning here. Anna was admitted in a critical condition in a Chennai hospital and a doctor had arrived from abroad to perform a surgery which was considered very risky. Anna asked the doctor whether he was going to operate on him the next day. The doctor said yes but Anna implored him to do it on the day after. The doctor asked in surprise whether he was looking for an auspicious day as Anna was well known to be a committed rationalist. Anna vehemently denied it and said that he was midway through a book which will be completed only on the next day and that it did not matter what happened thereafter. It is difficult to come across such gem of a bibliophile among India’s politicians.
The book is recommended.
February 1, 2020
Detailed review will be delayed.
February 19, 2019
I have read other biographies of Anna in Tamil. Some of my north Indian friends were interested in knowing about Anna. Unfortunately there doesn't seem to be many biographies in English. It is important to pick up a neutral biography of a person one doesn't know so that one's opinion is not coloured; it is important to know where the biographer stands politically. For example: the biographies of Indira Gandhi by Jairam Ramesh and Nayanthara Sehgal try to make different points about her life.
This book covers all major events in Anna's life and discusses his strengths and weaknesses. It is very well researched and edited well. It tries to paint a negative picture about the Dravidian movement; the criticism of the movement is not nuanced - the author just presents points that the people on the right of the political spectrum make in TV debates. I don't see how one can understand Anna unless in the light of the Dravidian movement. The author thinks Rajaji's 'Kula Kalvi Thitam' was a good idea which was not presented correctly to the public and this helps understand where he stands politically. Don't recommend it to people who have not read any other material on Anna. I wish there was a good biography of this interesting man that can be read universally.
This book covers all major events in Anna's life and discusses his strengths and weaknesses. It is very well researched and edited well. It tries to paint a negative picture about the Dravidian movement; the criticism of the movement is not nuanced - the author just presents points that the people on the right of the political spectrum make in TV debates. I don't see how one can understand Anna unless in the light of the Dravidian movement. The author thinks Rajaji's 'Kula Kalvi Thitam' was a good idea which was not presented correctly to the public and this helps understand where he stands politically. Don't recommend it to people who have not read any other material on Anna. I wish there was a good biography of this interesting man that can be read universally.
April 3, 2018
Anna is an exhaustive account of one of the most famous politicians in Tamil Nadu and it also traces the birth of DMK which is the principal opposition party in the state. Biographies can be boring but Kannan has written it very well and it's gripping. For people who are not from TN and want to understand the politics of the state, the book is a must read. I was deeply moved by the chapter on Anti-Hindi agitations and people who don't belong to TN will understand why they (rightfully) oppose Hindi. However, that was the only point on which I could agree with the man, his party and his ideology. Personally, I would say that it was a good book to understand the first CM of 'Tamil Nadu' but did I become a fan of him or do I admire him after reading the book? It would be a NO for me.
February 11, 2018
Biographies aren't really my thing, but, his legend and the countless statues he has over here in Chennai really attracted me to read this book. The author Kannan really wrote to the very details in the most beautiful way. The book starts with the demise of Anna which really portrays his image for the Tamizh makkals and then quickly starts off from his childhood journey.
As I found in some other review within the book, this book is a must read to all those who can't read Tamil to have an overview about the really twisted Tamizh politics.
As I found in some other review within the book, this book is a must read to all those who can't read Tamil to have an overview about the really twisted Tamizh politics.
June 18, 2018
This brings together the genesis of the Dravidian movement and its early days. Not just that, this book gives life to the political landscape of Tamilnadu between 1940 and 1970 as it primarily revolved around CN Annadurai.
Anna has always been my hero and after this book he still remains as my hero but it may or may not hold true for the principles Dravidian movement.
Anna is an epitome of leadership, compassion and hardwork. He lived in the age of Nehru but still he stood out and that speaks a lot about Anna.
Anna Naamam Vazhga!
Anna has always been my hero and after this book he still remains as my hero but it may or may not hold true for the principles Dravidian movement.
Anna is an epitome of leadership, compassion and hardwork. He lived in the age of Nehru but still he stood out and that speaks a lot about Anna.
Anna Naamam Vazhga!
September 9, 2017
Thoroughly enjoyed reading about the life and times of this most remarkable figure of post independent India politics. The writing is straightforward, fact based and meticulously researched - and yet manages to avoid reading like a textbook. Anna's personality and unique traits of character shine through these pages for anyone interested in knowing about the lives of people of substance.
July 17, 2012
A biography of the eternal "elder" brother, replete with all the sloganeering that Tamils are familiar with. Enjoyable!
December 25, 2017
A Critic perspective of Anna.
January 21, 2018
The author has covered well all the political events sorrounding Anna. However, we do not get insight about Anna as a husband and a father. More interviews could have been conducted.
January 20, 2018
Straightforward, informative and neutral.
February 18, 2021
As a Tamil reader post 73 years of independence, this work is must a read for every Tamilian to get know the formative years of the State Tamilnadu. EVR Periyaar, Anna, Kamaraj, Karunanidhi, MGR, Sivaji Ganesan, Kannadasan etc. The personalities who are still spoken about: what did they have to do with the protests against Aryan Brahmin's dominance, proposing a Dravidistan, Anti-Hindi agitation among other issues is a thrilling read. The work deserves high praise just for the attempt to consolidate many incoherent sources to a solid book. 4 Stars just for that
Anna, aside his dramatist and literary works, is to be credited amongst many other things for pioneering the fight for state rights over central dominance, Renaming Madras state as "Tamilnadu", his opposition to Hindi/ his protest to have all 14 languages inclusive in the constitution - thereby ensuring that government jobs be accessible to the non-Hindi states, facilitating a legislative act for Self-Respect marriages - thereby incentivizing inter caste marriages etc.
+In my time (after 80s), it was never really clear what the parties DMK or ADMK strived for. What were their visions? This book made it clear, that the founding party lacked any sort of economic vision. EVR protested for a caste free (overcoming Brahmin Domination) society. This fledgling took form as short-lived handicapped Dravidanadu (Draviditstan) leading to a "Dravidian" inclusive DMK with no clear definition of what or who a "Dravidian" is? Soon enough when Dravidanadu got disbanded, DMK went for the next agitation i.e. "anti-Hindi" which gave the final trigger to elevate Anna as the Chief Minister of the state. When there was no concrete vision to begin with, the parties solely relied on their leader's vision/ momentary inclinations or benevolence. Soon enough, from 80s, when the "capitalist" bandwagon started, the leaders took a back-step and the only ideal that has ever seem to sustain is competing over taking bribe out of state projects and blaming the opposition for the malfunctioning of the previous projects. Anna's one speech mentions "A world without having the need to beg for food, a race without disease and thereby a man with dignity" as his vision, but that unfortunately never seemed to have reached any of his party cadres today
+Congressman Kamaraj calls DMK as "Koothadigal" (Drama Artists). Whatever Ideals Anna stood for, looking at how the party has evolved, the risk of letting a Drama Artist at the forefront is visible generation after generation even today. For their aspirations in politics the political offsprings think only in terms of mass media - from papers, radio, tv to current day being the lead in movies. Politics without an entry criteria has moved away from having a vision or doing an act for the society to a corporate entity as to who milks the most money. As long as the "marketing" works (Koothadigal), their entry is guaranteed. Clearly modern day Politics in Tamilnadu has nothing to do with the welfare of the people and there are no leaders in making. Just "Koothadigal" - So apt!
+Was astounded to read the origins of today's customary political tactics - Unveiling a statue, self-immolation, freebies to gain votes, waving black flags as protest esp. to central government
-It's unavoidable to have the thought if the author is a Congressman himself. His dislike to DMK, despite his linguistically masking attempts as "admiring" Anna, was clearly perceivable. He has hardly any comments over wrong or disliked moves from the Congress in the public (Eg. Bakthavachalam's tenure as CM), but over-criticizing DMK with help of excessive citation from Jayakanthan (Author, A prominent DMK opponent). As in any biography, the interpretation of the author poses a risk of taking one away from reality. As a reader, I had to consciously take many words or narration with a distance.
Anna, aside his dramatist and literary works, is to be credited amongst many other things for pioneering the fight for state rights over central dominance, Renaming Madras state as "Tamilnadu", his opposition to Hindi/ his protest to have all 14 languages inclusive in the constitution - thereby ensuring that government jobs be accessible to the non-Hindi states, facilitating a legislative act for Self-Respect marriages - thereby incentivizing inter caste marriages etc.
+In my time (after 80s), it was never really clear what the parties DMK or ADMK strived for. What were their visions? This book made it clear, that the founding party lacked any sort of economic vision. EVR protested for a caste free (overcoming Brahmin Domination) society. This fledgling took form as short-lived handicapped Dravidanadu (Draviditstan) leading to a "Dravidian" inclusive DMK with no clear definition of what or who a "Dravidian" is? Soon enough when Dravidanadu got disbanded, DMK went for the next agitation i.e. "anti-Hindi" which gave the final trigger to elevate Anna as the Chief Minister of the state. When there was no concrete vision to begin with, the parties solely relied on their leader's vision/ momentary inclinations or benevolence. Soon enough, from 80s, when the "capitalist" bandwagon started, the leaders took a back-step and the only ideal that has ever seem to sustain is competing over taking bribe out of state projects and blaming the opposition for the malfunctioning of the previous projects. Anna's one speech mentions "A world without having the need to beg for food, a race without disease and thereby a man with dignity" as his vision, but that unfortunately never seemed to have reached any of his party cadres today
+Congressman Kamaraj calls DMK as "Koothadigal" (Drama Artists). Whatever Ideals Anna stood for, looking at how the party has evolved, the risk of letting a Drama Artist at the forefront is visible generation after generation even today. For their aspirations in politics the political offsprings think only in terms of mass media - from papers, radio, tv to current day being the lead in movies. Politics without an entry criteria has moved away from having a vision or doing an act for the society to a corporate entity as to who milks the most money. As long as the "marketing" works (Koothadigal), their entry is guaranteed. Clearly modern day Politics in Tamilnadu has nothing to do with the welfare of the people and there are no leaders in making. Just "Koothadigal" - So apt!
+Was astounded to read the origins of today's customary political tactics - Unveiling a statue, self-immolation, freebies to gain votes, waving black flags as protest esp. to central government
-It's unavoidable to have the thought if the author is a Congressman himself. His dislike to DMK, despite his linguistically masking attempts as "admiring" Anna, was clearly perceivable. He has hardly any comments over wrong or disliked moves from the Congress in the public (Eg. Bakthavachalam's tenure as CM), but over-criticizing DMK with help of excessive citation from Jayakanthan (Author, A prominent DMK opponent). As in any biography, the interpretation of the author poses a risk of taking one away from reality. As a reader, I had to consciously take many words or narration with a distance.
November 22, 2018
This is a story of a socio-political leader who emerged from Nothing and become everything to his Thambis, who call Mr. Annadurai "Anna"(Elder Brother) with respect.His political career is revolved around more than the loss of property the loss of life is what should be avoided,its his nature & his govt's policies.
He started his political journey with Great Periyar, became his best disciple.Then there was conflicts on the base ideologies so he separated from periyar's movement but never misspelled,disrespected his mentor throughout his life.While opposing Hindi's unwelcome demand on Tamil speaking Dravidian's. He said "There were Parks,Centers,Markets,Libraries in the name of Northern Leaders in South,if the opposite was also true". He was full supporter of Dravidian Movement by thoughts and actions,but He realized the unity of Nation and stands with it afterwards.
Thanks to Anna and his thambis today one does not have to become a Hindi-an to be an Indian.once he said Yaadhum Oore Yaavarum Kelir, this shows he was ahead of his times.This book also show some lights on after his demise It was MGR, Matinee Idol how he had become King Maker by helping Kalaigner number three in party to beat Navalar in the succession race.
One should read this book by R.Kannan on Mr. Annadurai First Non-Congress Chief Minister of Madras State(Tamil Nadu) to know more about Pre-and Post- Independence movements in Tamil State.How DMK come into power? How MGR and Karunanidhi emerged with its base?
He started his political journey with Great Periyar, became his best disciple.Then there was conflicts on the base ideologies so he separated from periyar's movement but never misspelled,disrespected his mentor throughout his life.While opposing Hindi's unwelcome demand on Tamil speaking Dravidian's. He said "There were Parks,Centers,Markets,Libraries in the name of Northern Leaders in South,if the opposite was also true". He was full supporter of Dravidian Movement by thoughts and actions,but He realized the unity of Nation and stands with it afterwards.
Thanks to Anna and his thambis today one does not have to become a Hindi-an to be an Indian.once he said Yaadhum Oore Yaavarum Kelir, this shows he was ahead of his times.This book also show some lights on after his demise It was MGR, Matinee Idol how he had become King Maker by helping Kalaigner number three in party to beat Navalar in the succession race.
One should read this book by R.Kannan on Mr. Annadurai First Non-Congress Chief Minister of Madras State(Tamil Nadu) to know more about Pre-and Post- Independence movements in Tamil State.How DMK come into power? How MGR and Karunanidhi emerged with its base?
April 6, 2024
Through this book about Shri Annadurai, I came to know about The Big Dravidian/Anti-Hindi movement. About how the Tamilnadu politics evolved considering Tamil spirit and Anti-Hindi movement.
This one is a very important book for anyone who wants to know Tamilnadu politics.
Whole politics revolves around Dravida Kazhagam (DK/DMK/AIADMK). How these all shaped.. what was happening in Tamilnadu during independence and later on till 67. This book gives a very brief account of that.
Read it for DRAVIDIAN movement, Anti-Hindi politics & DMK rise.
This isn't a book for those who want to evaluate the life & works of activist/politician ANNADURAI. This only praises him. Which may or may not be justified for the book content.
Overall, I will strongly recommend.
This one is a very important book for anyone who wants to know Tamilnadu politics.
Whole politics revolves around Dravida Kazhagam (DK/DMK/AIADMK). How these all shaped.. what was happening in Tamilnadu during independence and later on till 67. This book gives a very brief account of that.
Read it for DRAVIDIAN movement, Anti-Hindi politics & DMK rise.
This isn't a book for those who want to evaluate the life & works of activist/politician ANNADURAI. This only praises him. Which may or may not be justified for the book content.
Overall, I will strongly recommend.
June 30, 2024
A biography on the legendary politician who is the forerunner of Dravidian politics.
The book revolves around the story of the man fondly called Anna by the Tamil community, documenting his contributions to Tamil politics and society.
Key lessons learnt:
📚 Proper vision and eloquent communication are essential to becoming a successful politician.
📚 Good and persuasive communication skills can rally people around you, making them work for you and align with your vision.
📚 Patience, and making decisions at the right time, can lead to remarkable achievements in life and career.
Highly recommend for anyone interested in understanding the life and impact of this iconic leader.
The book revolves around the story of the man fondly called Anna by the Tamil community, documenting his contributions to Tamil politics and society.
Key lessons learnt:
📚 Proper vision and eloquent communication are essential to becoming a successful politician.
📚 Good and persuasive communication skills can rally people around you, making them work for you and align with your vision.
📚 Patience, and making decisions at the right time, can lead to remarkable achievements in life and career.
Highly recommend for anyone interested in understanding the life and impact of this iconic leader.
December 31, 2018
R. Kannan, for the most part, achieves his goal of taking Anna’s legacy to non-Tamil speakers. For millennials like me who find it hard to believe the existence of idealism, character and political decency in politics, this biography is a must read. The impact of Anna is such that his name is much familiar among many in TN who don’t even know the name of the first chief minister of the state. Remember, Anna served in the capacity of CM for just about 2 years!
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February 4, 2020This book is not only an account of Anna but of the Dravidian movement itself. Starting with his humble origins to becoming the first non-congress CM of Tamil Nadu R.Kannan has written a neutral,well-balanced and factual chronicle of this political giant and his DMK.
December 2, 2020
An comprehensive biography of CN Annadurai. While written by an Dravidian Idealogue, it is quite fair to the events and issues concerning the Dravidian movment. Kannan's ability to draw the charcter of a person through incidents and issues is exemplary.
May 14, 2021
A truly monumental work that portrays the Life of a Stalwart in all its glory and drawbacks. An engaging, accessible and massively informative read for all those interested in learning about the Life of Anna as well as the Dravidian Movement at large.
November 16, 2019
We'll written in simple language. Gives an insight into Tamil Nadu politics...
July 26, 2021
Very good book to know about Tamilnadu politics during Anna's time. Unbiased.
May 18, 2022
A highly readable account of the political life of C.N. Annadurai. I was able to appreciate his legacy and why he was and to an extent still is considered as one of the giants of 20th century India.
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July 19, 2022good books
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
July 4, 2025
In order to know Tamil Nadu, you need to know Anna. There’s no denying his influence.
December 29, 2015
This book is quite interesting. Anyone interested in the T.N politics of the 50's,60's and on the origin of the dravidam politics should read this. Very interesting to know that some of the organisations started as a social reform movement and were lured by the power of money in politics.
September 26, 2011
Love it for the objective portrayal. This is a primer on Dravidian politics. And a must read for every Tamilian.
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