The impression one is left with of Brodsky, after closing Lev Loseff’s studious, restrained, carefully sympathetic biography, is one of a man who continues the direct poetic genealogy from Derzhavin and Pushkin through to Tsvetaeva, Akhmatova, Mandelstam, Blok, and Mayakovsky, on into the latter half of the twentieth century. Brodsky’s affinity with the Great Poets of Russia’s Past is evidenced within his work by his dedication to form, rhyme, meter, an obedience to classical structures harking back all the way to Homer, Propertius, and Horace. “Hellenistic” would be another appropriate term that lingers about the man and his work, the classical world carried from one generation to the next, contextualized by a modern eye but not vulgarized. Homer and Ovid, as well as Pushkin, are ever-present shades in Mandelstam’s works; similarly in Brodsky the elegies of Propertius and Horatian odes mingle with elements of Acmeism and Futurism. In the West, however, it is as much for his essays as for his poems (which it is emphasized again and again are especially susceptible to translational degradation) that Brodsky is known. That is another feature he has in common with Mandelstam and Tsvetaeva- their body of work encompassed all regions of the written word, their effective modes of expression were boundless.
Brodsky’s case is especially striking when one comes to find that his learning was largely autodidactic. Born under the siege of Leningrad in 1940, his earliest impressions were of a city in disarray- bullet-pocked walls, streets emptied of people, wasted factory quarters, danger and poverty. As an adult he would reminisce on the impression this gave him of Leningrad as a stage-set. Still, the architectural beauty and mysteries of the city on the Neva were to inform his aesthetics throughout his life. The winged lions that occupy the covers of many of his books were first seen here and found echoes in his beloved Venice; the image of the Gorgon that recurs occasionally throughout his work was a wrought-iron simulacrum on a bridge over the Fontanka; he was ever drawn to cities that grew near bodies of water. He left school when he was fifteen, as early as was legally possible, and worked something like thirty different jobs in six years while getting down to the business of writing poetry, learning English and Polish on his own to be able to read foreign literary journals. Polish and English literature were the early influences on his work, and he came to many of Russia’s twentieth century poets relatively late in his development. When he first made a pilgrimage with a friend to Akhmatova’s dacha outside Moscow he was barely acquainted with her work. Tsvetaeva was his great obsession, her lyrical quality and metaphysical bent more in tune with his ripening world-view.
At readings, he was an atypically hot-headed, overly-confident young writer, performing with exaggeration and flair, to the point of annoying and even provoking the older, established generation of Leningrad writers into believing he had no respect for their poetic tradition (and the secret police into believing they could be witnessing the germination of a bona fide dissident). The impressions and enemies he made at this early stage were to have a consequence later on when his credentials as a poet were put up before a kangaroo court. Literary jealousies and rivalries could have striking real-world consequences in a society where all literature was either approved by the State as providing a function or was considered a crime. Brodsky’s youthful rebellions, rather tame when placed aside the cultural upheavals occurring concurrently in the West, soon had him arrested on charges of parasitism, a new law invoked to clean the streets of pimps and petty criminals, the unemployable and the discontented. Despite support from Akhmatova (who early on was enthusiastically encouraging of Brodsky’s works, and was attracted to the man himself because of similarities she saw in appearance and demeanor to her old friend Osip Mandelstam), and testimony from other literary figures, at age 24 Brodsky found himself subject to that oh-so-Russian form of punishment for thought-crimes, internal exile.
After psychological treatment (read: torture) in an asylum to determine sanity and fitness for trial, after arrest and that infamous ride in a thronging, filthy, sweltering eastbound railroad car known so well by the likes of Solzhenitsyn and Evgenia Ginzburg, four years in provincial Russia, splitting wood and sowing fields by day, nights translating Donne by candlelight, a Russian-English dictionary splayed open on a makeshift desk in a one-room hut without electricity or running water. Poems were produced; he did not shy away from back-breaking labor; the country folk of the Arkhangelsk region grew fond of him; he traced contrails in the sky back to Leningrad while furrowing fields; friends brought books; Auden was discovered. Meanwhile, his trial and exile had gained fame in the West, Berryman wrote a Dream Song about him, and his name was becoming associated with the human rights crisis in the Soviet Union. A letter from Sartre (whose works Brodsky had no great affection for) to the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet may have had a great influence on the State’s decision to end his exile early. A famous imprisoned poet was bad PR for a regime trying to sell itself as the egalitarian hope for humanity. The sensationalism surrounding his trial and the trickling drip-drip of human rights demanded after the post-Stalinist thaw all worked to a revocation of his exile, and he returned to Leningrad a celebrity, somewhat of a martyr and a hero to the cause of individual expression under a monolithic, collectivized State.
Despite his celebrity, he still was not a sanctioned poet, and therefore found himself in a similar position as before his exile from Leningrad, eking out a living from what translations, song transcriptions, and odd jobs came his way from the Writer’s Union. The State still wanted nothing to do with his poetry; he could not be published; the KGB trailed him. Brodsky would not bend to take part in the practice of using “Aesopian language”; that is, compose works in a coded, fabled language that could slip by the censors and find publication while covertly expressing what were considered subversive or "useless" ideas. Therefore, if he was to stay in the Soviet Union (and he expressed no real interest in attempting to leave) his future as a published poet perhaps was doomed. However, the State acted as an agent of fate. In the large Jewish migration of the 60’s and 70’s from the Soviet Union to Israel, some invitations to the newly founded state on the Sea of Galilee came unbidden. Some were fabricated by the Supreme Soviet to do away with unsavory characters the State simply no longer wished to deal with. Brodsky was called in to his local visa and registration office and given two options: accept a deportation to Israel, or stay in the Soviet Union and face “big trouble” from the KGB. In 1972, given barely enough time to say goodbye to friends and family, Brodsky found himself on a plane to Israel via Vienna.
He never made it to Israel. In Vienna he was awed and overwhelmed by the abundance in the storefronts; through literary contacts one of his first acts in the West was a pilgrimage to rural Germany to meet his idol WH Auden who was summering there. Weeks were spent with the constantly sauced, sometimes brilliantly lucid, other times gibbering, Greatest Living Poet in the English Language (the catalog of Auden's daily regimen of alcohol consumption is truly astounding). Auden’s “In Memory of WB Yeats” had been a revelatory moment for Brodsky while in exile; in many ways his poetic language and music was founded and defined by the discovery of those stanzas. Brodsky’s English was not good enough to hold up much of a conversation with the aged, drunken Auden, but the two got along swimmingly and Auden ended up writing a preface for one of Brodsky’s earliest published books. As Brodsky moved West, it seemed his fortunes became the mirror image of his hardships in the Russia he left forever behind him. Publication, acclaim, fame, a MacArthur genius grant, teaching jobs in prestigious universities, extensive travels, winters in Venice, the Nobel Prize.
Loseff’s biography never drifts too far from Brodsky’s art; as the man saw his life and his writing as one infrangible entity, Loseff treats the passing years and the forms they produced as such. As his life is told chronologically, the works that sprung from his experiences are traced in tandem, not only in relation to the development of the man, but in relation to the development of his poetic consciousness and the historical consciousness of Russian poetry as a whole. This book is in itself a great lesson in Russian poetics, the rhythms of the Russian tongue, the problems with translation from Russian to English (there is a lovely chapter that catalogs the varying shades of meaning in equivalent Russian and English terms), and that particularly Russian problem of the spirit’s pull between West and East, liberalism and collectivism, Hellenism and Communism. The book ends with a long exploration of the idea of absence in Brodsky’s poetry, his aesthetic idea that absence, emptiness, is the true form of things, the essence of the individual in the face of infinity, the eternal Platonic ideals and their transient, physical forms. Brodsky’s “Letters to a Roman Friend” ends with just such an image, a world of sensations waiting to be experienced, devoid of the human "I" that has passed on, but vibrating, waiting for the next eye to open itself to the richness of the world:
Dark green laurels on the verge of trembling.
Doors ajar. The windowpane is dusty.
Idle chairs and the abandoned sofa.
Linen blinded by the sun of noonday.
Pontus drones past a black fence of pine trees.
Someone’s boat braves gusts out by the promontory.
On the garden bench a book of Pliny rustles.
Thrushes chirp within the hairdo of the cypresses.