Introduced in this book is Englebert Dollfuss, the Austrian hero who plotted a course for Austria against Nazism, against Socialism, and against unbridled capitalism until his assassination by the Nazis in 1934. This is the story of the Austrian chancellor who attempted to act as a moral force to bring a divided, bankrupt, and bitter Europe to its senses. It details how he persuaded people of many different political persuasions to follow and support that policy, not through elegant speeches, worthless programs, and empty promises, but through common sense, good humor, overpowering honesty, and tremendous personal sacrifice.
Solid survey of a man little-remembered by history. It seems doubtful that Dollfuss, a fairly good-natured person, could have successfully resisted the Pan-Germans even if he survived the 1934 attack.
Does this start out sounding like a hagiography? Perhaps, but what rapidly becomes clear upon reading further is the saintliness of this statesman who died defending the faith against the Nazis. The man's own words and deeds provides hope that the dream of the Popes for social justice is possible on this earth. Dolfuss absolutely rejects liberal ideology and economics as well as the socialism that builds on liberalism's shaky foundation. Instead his corporative state with its famous May Constitution sets social justice at the forefront without the harm and violence of class warfare. Many thanks to Pater Edmund Waldstein especially for his steadfast appreciation of Chancellor Dolfuss, which resulted in my reading this little volume.
Messner has written a quick biographical sketch about Engelbert Dollfuss, publishing it in the same year that the Austrian leader had been assassinated (Dollfuss dying in July, this book being published in November). As such, this historical account suffers from uneven composition. The introductory biography and the concluding dramatic account of his death stand as highlights within the book, whereas the rest of it seems to trace Dollfuss' political thought namely through recorded speeches. As I was hoping to get more of a biographical overview rather than political programme through primary sources, I was a little disappointed.
Nevertheless, Messner provides a wonderful little text for a wonderful little guy.
I recommend it to anyone seeking to better understand Austria prior to the Second World War, as well as those interested in political theory and Catholic social thought.
Dollfuss decides to cede a large amount of state property to attain a loan to pay the victors of WWI. To who does he give it, from whom does he take a loan? The French. Then the Nazis start a terrorist campaign, used by Dollfuss suppress the AUSTROmarxists, whom he accuses of anti-Austrian sentiments because they protested his free giveaways of state property to foreign governments and companies. All the while, Messner pretends Dollfuss is some great Austrian patriot rather than an extremely incompetent traitor. He blames the Leninists and Austromarxists for everything, even the results of bad laws signed by Dollfuss. The people who did not support Dollfuss were merely misguided or traitors to the nation or raging enemies of humanity and beauty in general. Don’t read this book.
Messner is one of the very few historians and authors that deal with European Interwar history from a different perspective than the "written by the winners" history that characterises the books about this period. Dollfuss is portrayed as a leader surrounded by three powerful enemies (fascism/nazism, communism/socialism and liberalism/capitalism) and pressured to cave in to one of the three. It cannot be said that Messner is not neutral: in fact, the book is almost a political treaty. This said, I believe that the book itself is part of history as it represents very rare evidence of a fourth political force in Europe, one based on catholic social teaching, and its forced dissolution into the other three.