We Latins have a different view of your great president. Listen:
"To Roosevelt".
You are the United States,
You are the future invader.
You are a proud and strong exemplar of your race;
you are cultured, you are clever, you oppose Tolstoy.
And breaking horses, or murdering tigers,
you are an Alejandro Nebuchadnezzar.
(You’re a professor of energy,
as today’s madmen say.)
You think life is fire,
that progress is eruption;
where you put your bullet
you put the future.
No.
Ruben Dario (1904)
Ruben Dario, modernist poet, Nicaraguan patriot, and contemporary of Theodore Roosevelt (TR), perfectly captured that Manichean and protean giant from the perspective of those who suffered from his exploits. The destiny of great men and women is to be loved or hated. The in-between biographical portrait, moderate, "neither war nor cold, but as it were, lukewarm", does not do justice to their lives. No better example of this truth can be found than in the Roosevelt clan, Theodore, Franklin, and Eleanore. Edmund Morris, after winning the Pulitzer Prize for his earlier THE RISE OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT, and having been savaged for his ridiculous life of Ronald Reagan, DUTCH, gave himself the task of surveying Roosevelt, the president, 1901-1909; a labor of love if ever there was one. He is masterly at prose, judicious in his sources, and unconvincing in his view that TR was a godsend to his nation, and the world. He was the last, and perhaps the only, progressive Republican president. His task and legacy was to enlarge the power of the office, reform American capitalism in order to save it, protect and preserve the nation's natural resources, and build a transoceanic empire, culminating in the construction of the Panama Canal. Thrust from Vice-President into the presidency by the assassination of William McKinley in 1901, TR was a great man in small times who made the era match his ego and ambition. What thread ran through all of his exploits? At the end of his two terms he wrote a friend that no particular political philosophy motivated him, only "a moral vision". America could be great, good, and just all at once.
Morris approaches his subject chronologically, and that is unwise in judging TR's challenges and decisions. A single chapter, sometimes covering only a week, will encompass labor relations, anti-trust action, the status of African-Americans, and Caribbean affairs. The reader is supposed to marvel breathlessly at TR's big plate of issues and how he solved them. This makes for exciting reading and poor history. A few jumbled facts on wages for coal miners or the enormity of J.P. Morgan's wealth, he was so rich he lent the government money, tell us nothing of why TR thought it necessary to close the gap between the two. Morality? Perhaps, but where did his inspiration come from? Teddy was a solid though largely non-observant Dutch Reform Church Protestant who felt religion should play no part in politics. Noblesse oblige? TR certainly felt riches brought duties, not privileges, but had no sense of belonging to any class. Was the source of his conduct his own life of tragedy and triumph? Born asthmatic, toughened by his father, losing his beloved first wife Alice, cowboy days in the Badlands, hero of the Spanish-American War---all these trials left their mark on his soul, yet he felt a true statesman rose above his lot on life to consider the plight of not just one element of society, not even the poor, and fought for what was good for the nation. Like Churchill after him with his sense of destiny, Teddy believed the times called him to wrench America out of the past and into the twentieth century. This grand vision of glory should be examined, pace Morris, one issue at a time, as I shall endeavor in this review.
TR's first tough challenge in office was that hardy perennial of American life, race relations. His welcoming of Booker T. Washington to the White House drew catcalls from Southern Senators and governors, but Teddy, with his vast ego, enjoyed them. Besides, he liked to remind the South that, with a mother born in Georgia, he was half-Southern himself. TR believed strongly in white supremacy, at home and abroad. America was a melting pot, yes, yet no one should challenge the domination of the Anglo-Saxon stock. He endorsed Washington's philosophy of Negro economic self-improvement while leaving Jim Crow intact. No desegregation until white America found it acceptable. TR talked a good game against lynching, particularly in the border states, but refused to back anti-lynching legislation. Washington pressed him on an issue close to both their hearts: federal patronage jobs. Blacks regularly voted Republican and must have at least low-level political appointments in compensation. TR was aware that even such symbolic positions would stir up the white South, and found a typical Rooseveltian resolution. Blacks employed by the Post Office, the biggest patronage system in the land, could serve but one non-renewable turn, and any future Federal appointments of the colored race would be offset by three or four white appointees. TR's paternalism on race, retrograde to us, served him well in maintaining Black support for the Republican Party while appeasing the Democratic South. The biggest blot on his record in matters of race came with what was called at the time the Brownsville Mutiny. Black troops, stationed in that Texas town, angered by white racism inside the army left their barracks to take possession of the streets. Whites in Brownsville hollered "rape and riot", but were they telling the truth? A Congressional investigation found no evidence of foul play on the part of the soldiers, but TR ordered them cashiered out of the army without due process.
In matters of class, Roosevelt embraced a modified form of Social Darwinism. Only the strong in spirit and body survived life's challenges. The regulation of the economy, later enacted by his kinsman Franklin with the New Deal, would have found no favor with him. The function of government under TR's Square Deal was to even the playing field between business competitors and bring their affairs into the public spotlight. TR did not object to trusts per se. He opposed only those that stifled competition in trade and took unfair advantages to receive rebates from their allies in the railroad industry. Morgan, Frick, Carnegie, and other captains of industry accused him of socialism, communism, and treason to his class, whatever that was, while Teddy reassured them he had only their interests in mind. TR despised John D. Rockefeller, the worst of the Robber Barons, in his view, yet worked actively in the Senate with his chief political lieutenant, Nelson Aldrich, who later married into the family business. Such personal contacts with corporate titans helped TR ride out a recession after his 1908 re-election, before it turned into a depression. TR felt labor must play by the same rules. Working men and women were entitled to a fair wage, form trade unions, an eight-hour day, something Teddy fought for in office but never won, safe and healthy working conditions, clean and healthy consumer products---TR loathed Upton Sinclair's socialist politics but used the sordid details on meat packing in his novel THE JUNGLE in pressuring Congress to pass the Food and Drug Act---worker's compensation for injuries and into old age, and an end to child labor. His reform program had more in common with Bismarck than with FDR. Labor had no right to collective bargaining. The best it could expect was that the government play the role of fair arbitrator. These precepts served TR well in dealing with the coal strike in the Pennsylvania pits that, in his view, threatened starvation and death by freezing for families in the Northeast. Morris portrays a TR equally tough on Mine Workers President Jim Mitchell and mining and railroad bosses. He refused calls to actively negotiate to end the strike, but behind the scenes pressured both sides to do so, in favor of the American consumer. TR was no tribune of the people, nor the underprivileged. For him, labor, management, and the government must work together for the sake of the Great Republic. The great test of this vision was saving America's resources for public, not private use. Teddy got carved on Mt. Rushmore for his program of conservation, and as usual, he used moral clarity and common sense to get Congress and big business to go along. The land and all its wonders and resources, water, soil, minerals, and the beauty of the terrain itself, belonged to the American people, of past, present, and future, with the government the great overseer. Men were custodians and not occupiers of the wilderness. The conservation of such wonders worked best for all. Farmers saw their lands kept healthy and irrigated, big city business profited from connections to inland waterways, and men, women, and children of all classes could enjoy the wilderness free and unspoiled.
Destiny should have gifted TR by limiting his place in history to domestic reform. Alas, Roosevelt, the progressive inhabited the body of TR, the imperialist. Teddy kept a strange globe in the White House, showing an out sized Western Hemisphere dwarfing Eurasia, with Africa just a footnote. This was TR's not-so-subtle view of international relations. Roosevelt was the opposite of an American Firster. He was devoted to Manifest Destiny on a global scale. The United States owned the rest of this hemisphere, and America must surpass the powers of the Old World, England, Russia, and Germany, and the new tough kid in Asia, Japan, in economic output and military might, or die. First on his plate was some unfinished and ugly business from America's 1898 conquest of the Philippines and the horrible war of counterinsurgency against Filipino guerrillas that followed. Reports reached Washington of American troops torturing and executing civilian hostages under island governor Taft.
Pro-imperialist members of Congress wanted the whole matter silenced and the U.S. soldiers responsible absolved of responsibility. The Anti-Imperialist League, whose members included such worthies as John Dewey and Mark Twain, felt vindicated. This was proof America should not have acquired an empire in Asia. TR took a "Lt. Calley" position. He first thought of prosecuting, and ultimately dismissed, one army officer for the killings and absolved the rest. America had to be a just colonial power. A greater crisis loomed for him closer to home in Venezuela. That country's perpetual failure to pay its foreign debts invited her creditors, England and Germany, to send gunboats to the Caribbean and threaten Venezuela with invasion. Roosevelt saw this as a challenge to the Monroe Doctrine. If these two European powers invested the Western Hemisphere they would never leave. TR responded with a one-two punch, sending American ships to the Venezuelan coast, scaring off Britain and Germany, and declaring the "Roosevelt Corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine. Should the Latin American nations prove incapable of handling their own political and financial affairs the United States had the right to intervene to restore order. Invoked multiple times by presidents of both parties, in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua and Haiti, inter alia, the Corollary enrages the Latins to this day.
Roosevelt was the first president to direct America's march towards the Pacific. Yet America was still too weak to project power unto the Asian mainland. She had to pick her friends and enemies carefully and strategically. Russia was the great threat in the Far East, encroaching on China and violating the "Open Door" policy crafted by TR's Secretary of State John Hay. America must play off Japan against Russia until the day U.S. naval power could challenge both. This dangerous game of balance exploded in 1904 when Japan and Russia went to war over Korea and Manchuria. Officially neutral, TR thought a U.S.-Britain-Japan condominium in Asia after the war best served American interests. The problem lay in not making a victorious Japan so strong it could not be contained. His negotiation of a peace treaty between the adversaries, whom he hosted in New Hampshire, and earned him the Noble Peace Prize, may have been sincere, but he left the conference with a suspicious eye towards his new found Nipponese friend. Afterwards, TR pressed for limitations on Japanese emigration to California and Hawaii and sent the U.S. Atlantic fleet, now The Great White Fleet, into the Pacific, including a "courtesy" call on Yokohama.
Every American schoolboy used to be familiar with Secretary of War Elihu Root's quip to TR after his taking of Panama: "You have shown that you were accused of seduction, and you have conclusively proved that you were guilty of rape." TR was obsessed with naval might and the sea-power theories of Admiral Mahan. The U.S. must have Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela in its orbit and Panama for the future transatlantic canal. Morris provides a minute-by-minute account of how TR severed Panama from Colombia, exculpating Roosevelt at every turn, but it won't do. Cajoling the Colombian President and Congress to sell Panama, furnishing arms to Panamanian rebels, blocking the passage of Colombian troops to Panama, negotiating the Canal Zone Treaty with a sleazy French businessman; all these steps met Root's definition of a violent sack. Morris thinks TR was vindicated when American diplomatic law professors gave him legal grounds for his actions. In fact, this proves the opposite. The potentates of American power can always get lawyers and academics to bless their efforts, no matter how vile. TR boasted his Panama mission would earn him a place in history. It did, and a place in infamy. His skulduggery provided the template for future presidents to deceive the American public and defy international law.
TR left the White House in 1909, gladly, he told reporters, reluctantly, he confided in his family. He had expanded the Square Deal into the New Nationalism that promoted an economically powerful America, just to its citizens, where capital, labor and the state worked organically to pump growth, and stood ready to take its place among the great powers. By the end of his term America had overtaken Germany, Britain, and France in industrial output, enjoyed peace with all nations, and held colonies and bases in Latin America and Asia. The American Navy patrolled two oceans. The Panama Canal would be completed in 1914, and Teddy lived to see the inauguration. Yet, the future of the country worried him. His last Message to Congress called for an expanded presidency issuing executive orders rather than waiting for the passage of bills, undermining the national legislature, and a Supreme Court tasked with "lawmaking" for a new century, not standing firm by the Constitution. A corporate state? A harbinger of fascism? Fortunately, we will never know. TR seethed in retirement when he looked at the mess his Dauphin, William Howard Taft had made, but the American people wisely denied him renomination in 1912 and then the presidency on the Progressive Party, or Bull Moose, ticket. Roosevelt's jingoism in 1914, urging Wilson to enter the Great War in Europe with full speed, indicates political exile was the proper place for him. Goliaths don't need a second turn at bat in the game of history.
Morris is an able but flowery and groveling biographer of TR. His purple prose is meant to invoke the novelist's touch, and instead reads like the worst of Henry James. And, except for that overreaching at the end of his mandate, he finds nothing else wrong in TR's decisions. Readers should proceed with caution. TR was a strange combination of Luciferean energy and Protestant righteousness. He was no saint and deserves not a hagiography.