David Cunningham

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David Cunningham



Librarian Note: There is more than one author in the GoodReads database with this name. See this thread for more information. ...more

Average rating: 3.91 · 27,062 ratings · 670 reviews · 89 distinct worksSimilar authors
Klansville, U.S.A.: The Ris...

3.62 avg rating — 119 ratings — published 2012 — 13 editions
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Photography and Literature ...

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4.50 avg rating — 2 ratings — published 2005 — 5 editions
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The Wacky Winter on Wiggly Way

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it was amazing 5.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 2013 — 2 editions
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Phoenix (Ashes of Humanity ...

it was amazing 5.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 2015
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Conditions of Social Well-B...

it was amazing 5.00 avg rating — 1 rating
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Your Love Does Matter: A Jo...

it was amazing 5.00 avg rating — 1 rating
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Conditions of social well-b...

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 2013 — 16 editions
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Wire Sculpting Made Simple:...

liked it 3.00 avg rating — 1 rating
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A Time of Affirmation: On t...

0.00 avg rating — 0 ratings — published 2001
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Your Love Does Matter: A Jo...

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“In the mid-1950s, Governor Luther Hodges cited Aycock’s “march of progress” in his defense of Jim Crow as a system that both ensured political tranquility and enabled racial uplift. His successor in the state house, Terry Sanford, noted that Aycock famously proclaimed “as a white man, I am afraid of but one thing for my race and that is we shall become afraid to give the Negro a fair chance. The white man in the South can never attain to his fullest growth until he does absolute justice to the Negro race.” This framing enabled Hodges, Sanford, and, later, Governor Dan Moore to define the “North Carolina way” in sharp contrast with the racially charged massive resistance rhetoric that defined the approaches of Alabama under George Wallace and Mississippi under Ross Barnett. This moderate course caused early observers like V. O. Key to view the state as “an inspiring exception to southern racism.” Crucially, it operated hand-in-hand with North Carolina’s anti-labor stance to advance the state’s economic interests. Hodges, Sanford, and Moore approached racial policy by emphasizing tranquility, and thus an intolerance for political contention. These officials placed a high value on law and order, condemning as “extremists” those who threatened North Carolina’s “harmonious” race relations by advocating either civil rights or staunch segregation. While racial distinctions could not be elided in the Jim Crow South, where the social fabric was shot through with racial disparity, an Aycock-style progressivist stance emphasized the maintenance of racial separation alongside white elites’ moral and civic interest in the well-being of black residents. This interest generally took the form of a pronounced paternalism, which typically enabled powerful white residents to serve as benefactors to their black neighbors, in a sort of patron-client relationship. “It was white people doing something for blacks—not with them,” explained Charlotte-based Reverend Colemon William Kerry Jr. While often framed as gestures of beneficence and closeness, such acts reproduced inequity and distance. More broadly, this racial order served dominant economic and political interests, as it preserved segregation with a progressive sheen that favored industrial expansion.12”
David Cunningham, Klansville, U.S.A.: The Rise and Fall of the Civil Rights-Era Ku Klux Klan

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