Robert Kuttner

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Robert Kuttner



Average rating: 3.88 · 901 ratings · 175 reviews · 49 distinct worksSimilar authors
Can Democracy Survive Globa...

4.10 avg rating — 319 ratings — published 2018 — 10 editions
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Everything for Sale: The Vi...

3.94 avg rating — 80 ratings — published 1997 — 9 editions
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Obama's Challenge: America'...

3.46 avg rating — 89 ratings — published 2008 — 9 editions
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Debtors' Prison: The Politi...

3.88 avg rating — 75 ratings — published 2013 — 5 editions
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The Squandering of America:...

3.87 avg rating — 63 ratings — published 2007 — 9 editions
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The Stakes: 2020 and the Su...

3.86 avg rating — 42 ratings — published 2019 — 5 editions
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Going Big: FDR's Legacy and...

3.86 avg rating — 42 ratings5 editions
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A Presidency in Peril: The ...

3.60 avg rating — 15 ratings — published 2010 — 4 editions
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The Economic Illusion: Fals...

3.75 avg rating — 12 ratings — published 1984 — 2 editions
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The End of Laissez-Faire: N...

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 10 ratings — published 1991 — 5 editions
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“Some have argued that capitalism promotes democracy, because of common norms of transparency, rule of law, and free competition—for markets, for ideas, for votes. In some idealized world, capitalism may enhance democracy, but in the history of the West, democracy has expanded by limiting the power of capitalists. When that project fails, dark forces are often unleashed. In the twentieth century, capitalism coexisted nicely with dictatorships, which conveniently create friendly business climates and repress independent worker organizations. Western capitalists have enriched and propped up third-world despots who crush local democracy. Hitler had a nice understanding with German corporations and bankers, who thrived until the unfortunate miscalculation of World War II. Communist China works hand in glove with its capitalist business partners to destroy free trade unions and to preserve the political monopoly of the Party. Vladimir Putin presides over a rigged brand of capitalism and governs in harmony with kleptocrats. When push comes to shove, the story that capitalism and democracy are natural complements is a myth. Corporations are happy to make a separate peace with dictators—and short of that, to narrow the domain of civic deliberation even in democracies. After Trump’s election, we saw corporations standing up for immigrants and saluting the happy rainbow of identity politics, but lining up to back Trump’s program of gutting taxes and regulation. Some individual executives belatedly broke with Trump over his racist comments, but not a single large company has resisted the broad right-wing assault on democracy that began long before Trump, and all have been happy with the dismantling of regulation. If democracy is revived, the movement will come from empowered citizens, not from corporations.”
Robert Kuttner, Can Democracy Survive Global Capitalism?

“Today, large numbers of citizens throughout the West are angry that the good life is being stolen from them. They are not quite sure whom to be angry at—immigrants, corporations, the government, politically correct liberals, the rich, the poor?”
Robert Kuttner, Can Democracy Survive Global Capitalism?

“Consider almost any public issue. Today’s Democratic Party and its legislators, with a few notable individual exceptions, is well to the right of counterparts from the New Deal and Great Society eras. In the time of Lyndon Johnson, the average Democrat in Congress was for single-payer national health insurance. In 1971, Congress overwhelmingly passed the Comprehensive Child Development Act, for universal, public, tax-supported, high-quality day care and prekindergarten. Nixon vetoed the bill in 1972, but even Nixon was for a guaranteed annual income, and his version of health reform, “play or pay,” in which employers would have to provide good health insurance or pay a tax to purchase it, was well to the left of either Bill or Hillary Clinton’s version, or Barack Obama’s. The Medicare and Medicaid laws of 1965 were not byzantine mash-ups of public and private like Obamacare. They were public. Infrastructure investments were also public. There was no bipartisan drive for either privatization or deregulation. The late 1960s and early 1970s (with Nixon in the White House!) were the heyday of landmark health, safety, environmental, and financial regulation. To name just three out of several dozen, Nixon signed the 1970 Clean Air Act, the 1970 Occupational Safety and Health Act, and the 1973 Consumer Product Safety Act. Why did Democrats move toward the center and Republicans to the far right? Several things occurred. Money became more important in politics. The Democratic Leadership Council, formed by business-friendly and Southern Democrats after Walter Mondale’s epic 1984 defeat, believed that in order to be more competitive electorally, Democrats had to be more centrist on both economic and social issues.”
Robert Kuttner, Can Democracy Survive Global Capitalism?

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