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Stephen D. King

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Stephen D. King


Born
The United Kingdom
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Stephen D. King is HSBC's group chief economist and the bank's global head of economics and asset allocation research.
He writes a weekly column for the London Independent and is a member of the European Central Bank Shadow Council and the Financial Times Economists' Forum.
He is a British national living in London.
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Average rating: 3.65 · 773 ratings · 93 reviews · 14 distinct worksSimilar authors
Grave New World: The End of...

3.65 avg rating — 226 ratings — published 2017 — 15 editions
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When the Money Runs Out: Th...

3.63 avg rating — 206 ratings — published 2013 — 16 editions
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We Need to Talk About Infla...

3.52 avg rating — 203 ratings — published 2023 — 8 editions
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Losing Control: The Emergin...

3.64 avg rating — 45 ratings — published 2010 — 12 editions
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Messiah

2.29 avg rating — 17 ratings
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Kada novca ponestane

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Küresellesmenin Sonu; Kasve...

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We Need to Talk About Infla...

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Quando i soldi finiscono. L...

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Temos de falar sobre inflação

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Quotes by Stephen D. King  (?)
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“imagine a world, however, where coin tosses could not be repeated and there was no way of knowing weather a particular coin toss involved either a scrupulously fair coin, or one that was double-header, or double-tailed. this would represent a world that was more than just risky, it would be deeply uncertain. imagine that all decisions in this world were governed by this fundamentally uncertain coin tosses, on an entirely random basis. some people may do very well, where as others may fail very badly indeed. both the winners and the losers might then be tempted to form their own narratives to explain their successes and failures, the winners extolling their imaginary skills, the losers blaming the winners for their imaginary exploitation.”
Stephen D. King, Grave New World: The End of Globalization, the Return of History

“Yet the interests of the international statesman may not always align with the ‘national interest’, particularly if the statesman is now also a member of some international organization that provides him with a whole bunch of new incentives.21 At that point, the statesman’s role is in danger of becoming disturbingly ambiguous. Does the new international club provide a convenient scapegoat for the delivery of unpopular measures at home, as happened with the imposition of austerity measures in Southern European countries during the Eurozone crisis that began in 2010? Does the homogeneity of view associated with club membership – for example, adherence to the Washington Consensus or acceptance of inflation-targeting conventions – undermine otherwise legitimate protests at home? Does the new club limit the powers of domestic government through the growth of, for example, a supranational legal authority? And what happens if the views of the international statesman – and the new club he has now joined – are rejected by the nation he is supposed to represent? None of these issues is new. The scale of the problem is, however, bigger than ever before. Even as markets – in trade, capital and labour – have become ever more globalized, the institutions able to govern those markets have become ever more fragmented. In 1945, when the United Nations was founded, there were 51 member nations. In 2011, the year in which South Sudan joined, there were 193. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, there is no longer a binary choice between what might loosely be described as US-style free-market capitalism and Moscow-inspired communism.”
Stephen D. King, Grave New World: The End of Globalization, the Return of History

“In combination, these political and economic forces suggest that globalization, at least of the post-Columbus kind, is simply not inevitable. In this book – a deliberate mixture of economics, history, geography and political philosophy – I make six key claims: •First, economic progress that reaches beyond borders is not, in any way, an inescapable truth. Globalization can all too easily go into reverse. •Second, technology can both enable globalization and destroy it. •Third, economic development that reduces inequality between nation states but appears to increase it within those states inevitably creates a tension between a desire for overall gains in global living standards and a yearning for economic and social stability at home. •Fourth, the desire for domestic stability may be undermined by huge twenty-first-century migration flows. •Fifth, the international institutions that have helped govern globalization’s advance are losing their credibility: rightly or wrongly, globalization is increasingly seen to work for the few, not the many. Creating new twenty-first-century institutions to combat this perception will not be easy, however, particularly given the potential clash in values between what might be described as Western democracies and Eastern autocracies. •Sixth (and as the Western powers are belatedly beginning to recognize), there is more than one version of globalization. As US relative economic power declines, so other nascent superpowers will be looking to reshape the world around them in ways that serve their own interests and reflect their own histories. If the Cold War was ultimately a binary rivalry, the twenty-first century is likely to see multiple rivalries, closer in nature to the imperial disputes of the nineteenth century. Indeed, President Xi’s speech in Davos in January 2017 only served to reinforce the sense that globalization is up for grabs.”
Stephen D. King, Grave New World: The End of Globalization, the Return of History



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