Holly Sklar

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Holly Sklar



Average rating: 3.91 · 313 ratings · 23 reviews · 11 distinct works
Streets of Hope: The Fall a...

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3.82 avg rating — 190 ratings — published 1994 — 10 editions
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Liberating Theory

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4.16 avg rating — 32 ratings — published 1986 — 2 editions
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Trilateralism: The Trilater...

4.04 avg rating — 25 ratings — published 1980 — 8 editions
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Washington's War on Nicaragua

4.20 avg rating — 20 ratings — published 1988 — 4 editions
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Rocking America: How the Al...

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4.31 avg rating — 16 ratings
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Chaos or Community?: Seekin...

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3.81 avg rating — 16 ratings — published 1995 — 2 editions
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Raise the Floor: Wages and ...

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3.88 avg rating — 8 ratings3 editions
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Reagan, Trilateralism and t...

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 3 ratings — published 1986 — 3 editions
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Poverty in the American Dre...

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did not like it 1.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1983 — 2 editions
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Jobs Income and Work

0.00 avg rating — 0 ratings — published 1995
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More books by Holly Sklar…
Quotes by Holly Sklar  (?)
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“Trilateralists look forward to a pseudo postnational age in which social, economic, and political values originating in the trilatleral regions are transformed into universal values. Expanding networks of like-minded governmental officials, businessmen, and technocrats—elite products of Western civilization—are to carry out national and international policy formation. Functionally specific institutions with 'more technical focus, and lesser public awareness' [italics mine] are best suited for addressing international issues in the trilateral model. Trilateralists call this decision making process 'piecemeal functionalism.' No comprehensive blueprints would be proposed and debated, but bit and bit the overall trilateral design would take shape. Its 'functional' components are to be adopted in more or less piecemeal fashion, lessening the chance people will grasp the overall scheme and organize resistance.”
Holly Sklar, Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission and Elite Planning for World Management

“Truman had been able to govern the country with the cooperation of a relatively small number of Wall Street lawyers and bankers.' Huntington concludes (regretfully) this was no longer possible by the late sixties. Why not? Presidential authority was eroded. There was a broad reappraisal of governmental action and 'morality' in the post-Vietnam/post-Watergate era among political leaders who, like the general public, openly questioned 'the legitimacy of hierarchy, coercion, discipline, secrecy, and deception—all of which are, in some measure,' according to Huntington, 'inescapable attributes of the process of government.' Congressional power became more decentralized and party allegiances to the administration weakened. Traditional forms of public and private authority were undermined as 'people no longer felt the same compulsion to obey those whom they had previously considered superior to themselves in age, rank, status, expertise, character, or talents.' ¶ Throughout the sixties and into the seventies, too many people participated too much: 'Previously passive or unorganized groups in the population, blacks, Indians, Chicanos, white ethnic groups, students, and women now embarked on concerted efforts to establish their claims to opportunities, positions, rewards, and privileges, which they had not considered themselves entitled [sic] before. [Italics mine.] ¶ Against their will, these 'groups'—the majority of the population—have been denied 'opportunities, positions, rewards and privileges.' More democracy is not the answer: 'applying that cure at the present time could well be adding fuel to the flames.' Huntington concludes that 'some of the problems in governance in the United States today stem from an excess of democracy...Needed, instead, is a greater degree of moderation in democracy.' ¶ '...The effective operation of a democratic political system usually requires some measure of apathy and non-involvement on the part of some individuals and groups. In the past, every democratic society has had a marginal population, of greater or lesser size, which has not actively participated in politics. In itself, this marginality on the part of some groups is inherently undemocratic but it is also one of the factors which has enabled democracy to function effectively. [Italics mine.]' ¶ With a candor which has shocked those trilateralists who are more accustomed to espousing the type of 'symbolic populism' Carter employed so effectively in his campaign, the Governability Report expressed the open secret that effective capitalist democracy is limited democracy! (See Alan Wolfe, 'Capitalism Shows Its Face.')”
Holly Sklar, Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission and Elite Planning for World Management



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