Martin Meredith

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Martin Meredith



Martin Meredith is a historian, journalist and biographer, and author of many acclaimed books on Africa.

Meredith first worked as a foreign correspondent in Africa for the Observer and Sunday Times, then as a research fellow at St Antony’s College, Oxford. Residing near Oxford, he is now an independent commentator and author.

Meredith’s writing has been described as authoritative and well-documented, despite the pessimism inherent in his subject matter.

He is the author of Diamonds, Gold and War, Mugabe: Power, Plunder – which sold over 15 000 copies in South Africa, and The Struggle for Zimbabwe’s Future, The State of Africa and Nelson Mandela: A Biography, among many others.

His most recent book is Born in Africa, published by Jonathan Ball P
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Average rating: 4.13 · 11,537 ratings · 1,031 reviews · 20 distinct worksSimilar authors
The Fate of Africa: A Histo...

4.20 avg rating — 7,420 ratings — published 2005
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Diamonds, Gold, and War: Th...

really liked it 4.00 avg rating — 1,304 ratings — published 2007 — 36 editions
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The Fortunes of Africa: A 5...

4.16 avg rating — 1,237 ratings — published 2014 — 23 editions
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Born in Africa: The Quest f...

3.91 avg rating — 536 ratings — published 2011 — 25 editions
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Mugabe: Power, Plunder, and...

3.78 avg rating — 378 ratings — published 2002 — 15 editions
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Nelson Mandela: A Biography

4.16 avg rating — 340 ratings — published 1997 — 34 editions
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Elephant Destiny: Biography...

3.84 avg rating — 119 ratings — published 2001 — 11 editions
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Our Votes, Our Guns: Robert...

3.87 avg rating — 102 ratings — published 2002 — 7 editions
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Afrikaner Odyssey: The Life...

4.03 avg rating — 32 ratings
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Coming To Terms South Afric...

3.73 avg rating — 26 ratings — published 1999 — 5 editions
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Quotes by Martin Meredith  (?)
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“In reality, Kabila was no more than a petty tyrant propelled to prominence by accident. Secretive and paranoid, he had no political programme, no strategic vision and no experience of running a government. He refused to engage with established opposition groups or with civic organisations and banned political parties. Lacking a political organisation of his own, he surrounded himself with friends and family members and relied heavily for support and protection on Rwanda and Banyamulenge. Two key ministries were awarded to cousins; the new chief of staff of the army, James Kabarebe, was a Rwandan Tutsi who had grown up in Uganda; the deputy chief of staff and commander of land forces was his 26-year-old son, Joseph; the national police chief was a brother-in-law. Whereas Mobutu had packed his administration with supporters from his home province of Équateur, Kabila handed out key positions in government, the armed forces, security services and public companies to fellow Swahili-speaking Katangese, notably members of the Lubakat group of northern Katanga, his father’s tribe.”
Martin Meredith, The Fate of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence

“Belgian officials concluded that 'the Hutu-Tutsi question posed an undeniable problem' and proposed that official usage of the terms 'Hutu' and 'Tutsi' - on identity cards, for example - should be abolished. The Hutu, however, rejected the proposal, wanting to retain their identifiable majority; abolition of the identity cards would prevent 'the statistical law from establishing the reality of facts'. The idea gained ground that majority rule meant Hutu rule.”
Martin Meredith, The Fate of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence

“Moi, moreover, made full use of his control of government machinery to obtain funds, harass the opposition and manipulate the results. The delimitation of constituencies was skewed heavily to favour Kanu strongholds in the North Eastern, Rift Valley and Coast provinces. The number of voters needed to return a single seat in opposition strongholds in some cases was four times higher than in Kanu strongholds. Whereas the North Eastern province, with 1.79 per cent of the electorate, had ten seats, Nairobi province with 8.53 per cent had only eight seats; whereas Coast province with 8.37 per cent of the electorate had twenty seats, Central province with 15.51 per cent had only twenty-five seats. The average size of a secure Kanu constituency was only 28,350 voters, while seats in opposition areas were on average 84 per cent larger with 52,169 voters. The registration process was also manipulated. The government cut short the period allowed for voter registration and delayed the issuing of identity cards needed by young potential voters, effectively disenfranchising at least 1 million people. Opposition areas were under-registered. The highest figures for registration were in the Rift Valley. The independence of the Electoral Commission was also suspect. The man Moi appointed to head it was a former judge who had been declared bankrupt two years previously and removed from the bench for improper conduct.”
Martin Meredith, The Fate of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence



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