Hugo > Hugo's Quotes

“One other thing struck me. The margin between life and death was so very slim in Darfur, where people eked out a harsh semi-desert existence. The ability to cope was that much more limited than it had been in, say, Rwanda, a relatively fertile tropical country. Consequently, the ability to destroy people’s means of livelihood was that much greater.”
― Mukesh Kapila, Against a Tide of Evil

“Perhaps one day Russia might even become somehow ordinary, a country of problems rather than catastrophes, a place that develops rather than explodes. That would be something to see.”
― David Remnick, Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire

“half-century before, at Stalin’s direct order, NKVD executioners slaughtered fifteen thousand Polish military officers and threw the bodies into rows of mass graves. The month-long operation in Kalinin, Katyn, and Starobelsk was part of Stalin’s attempt to begin the domination of Poland. The young officers had been among the best-educated men in Poland, and Stalin saw them as a potential danger, as enemies-in-advance. For decades after, Moscow put the blame for the killings on the Nazis, saying the Germans had carried out the massacres in 1941, not the NKVD in 1940. The Kremlin propaganda machine sustained the fiction in speeches, diplomatic negotiations, and textbooks, weaving it into the vast fabric of ideology and official history that sustained the regime and its empire.”
― David Remnick, Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire

“For decades, the massacres at Kalinin, Starobelsk, and Katyn had been a symbol for the Poles of Moscow’s cruelty and imperial grip. For a Pole merely to hint that the Soviet Union was responsible for the massacres was a radical, even suicidal act, for it made clear the speaker’s point of view: the “friendship of peoples,” the relationship between Moscow and Warsaw, was one based on violence, an occupier’s reign over its satellite.”
― David Remnick, Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire

“people’s commissar, he was once as close to Stalin as Goering was to Hitler. He helped direct the collectivization program of the 1920s and early 1930s, a brutal campaign that annihilated the peasantry and left the villages of Ukraine strewn with an endless field of human husks. As the leader of the Moscow Party organization, Kaganovich built the city subway system and, briefly, had it named for himself. He was responsible as well for the destruction of dozens of churches and synagogues. He dynamited Christ the Savior, a magnificent cathedral in one of the oldest quarters of Moscow. It was said at the time that Stalin could see the cathedral belltower from his window and wanted it eliminated.”
― David Remnick, Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire

“Me, I always stayed away from him. Where I come from they have a saying: ‘The farther away you keep from the czar, the longer you stay alive.’ ”
― David Remnick, Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire

“These were children, after all, who were taught to revere Pavlik Morozov, the twelve-year-old Young Pioneer who was made a national hero and icon for all Soviet children when he served his collective by ratting on his own father for trying to hide grain from the police. These were children raised in schools designed according to the “socialist family” theories of Anton Makarenko, an ideology officer of the KGB. Makarenko insisted that children learn the supremacy of the collective over the individual, the political unit over the family. The schools, he said, must employ an iron discipline modeled on that of the Red Army and Siberian labor camps.”
― David Remnick, Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire

“Nor could they compete very well with the immensity of the Stalin cult in all its forms: the parades celebrating Stalin as a god on earth, the newspapers describing his heroic deeds, the radio addresses, the history books written by the Kremlin ideologists, the rallies and paramilitary drills of the Young Pioneers.”
― David Remnick, Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire

“On August 21, 1968, Pavel and six of his friends reacted with horror to the shortwave reports coming out of Czechoslovakia. For months they had been listening for every detail of the Prague Spring, cheering on Alexander Dubček’s attempt to create a “socialism with a human face.” They waited to see how Khrushchev’s conqueror and successor, Leonid Brezhnev, would deal with the rebellion of a satellite state. Would he show the same ruthlessness Khrushchev showed Hungary in 1956, or would there be a new sense of tolerance? Now the answer was clear.”
― David Remnick, Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire

“Just before his exile, Solzhenitsyn wrote his “Letter to the Soviet Leaders.” “Your dearest wish,” he informed them, “is for our state structure and our ideological system never to change, to remain as they are for centuries. But history is not like that. Every system either finds a way to develop or else it collapses.” And with that, Solzhenitsyn was gone.”
― David Remnick, Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire

“The figure 850,000 sounds like a lot – and in terms of historic migration to Europe it is. But this is only about 0.2 per cent of the EU’s total population of roughly 500 million, an influx that the world’s richest continent can feasibly absorb, if – and only if – it’s handled properly”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“The most obvious example is Lebanon, which houses at least 1 million Syrian refugees within a total population of roughly 4.5 million.6 That’s around one in five people – a ratio that Europe should have been embarrassed by.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“In the aftermath of the Vietnam war, America led the international resettlement program – taking 800,000 of the 1.3 million people resettled in the global north. In the aftermath of the Syrian crisis – a crisis partly stoked by American support for Syrian factions and by its earlier meddling in Iraq – the US promised to take just 10,000, amid alarmism about immigrants.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“The mess reached its nadir in the aftermath of the Paris attacks in November 2015. Two of the nine assailants were revealed to have probably arrived in Greece a month earlier in a boatload of refugees.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“The EU promised to pay Turkey €6 billion, in exchange for their policing their borders better and readmitting all those landing in Greece.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“At a time when travel is for many easy and anodyne, their voyages through the Sahara, the Balkans or across the Mediterranean – on foot, in the holds of wooden fishing boats and on the backs of land cruisers – are almost as epic as those of classical heroes such as Aeneas and Odysseus. I’m wary of drawing too strong a link, but there are nevertheless obvious parallels. Just as both those ancient men fled a conflict in the Middle East and sailed across the Aegean, so too will many migrants today. Today’s Sirens are the smugglers with their empty promises of safe passage; the violent border guard a contemporary Cyclops. Three millennia after their classical forebears created the founding myths of the European continent, today’s voyagers are writing a new narrative that will influence Europe, for better or worse, for years to come.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“Agadez has only a handful of multi-storey buildings. The main ones are the mosque and, next door to it, the palace of the Sultan of Aïr, who still retains a role in the local judicial system. But the houses overlooked by this pair are mostly single-storey courtyards, each enclosed by a windowless wall. These are the compounds, and perhaps fifty of them are used by smugglers – though no one knows the exact total. And that’s the point: they’re the perfect places to hide a hundred migrants until they head north to Libya. Once inside, the haggling starts. The going rate between Agadez and Libya is thought to be about 150,000 West African francs (CFA), or £166. But one traveller said he paid as much as €500 (£363), while Cisse claims he charges each of his thirty passengers as little as 50,000 CFA (£55). With such big numbers, it is no surprise that the business continues in full force despite a recent ban.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“But you would still have 100,000 people piling through Niger every year – and no one particularly interested in stopping them.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“smuggling is a vital financial lifeline for many local people – and officials. Just look at the numbers. In a single trip, a smuggler might make as much as 4.5 million CFA (a little under £5000). In a year, he could take in as much as £250,000, in a country where the average annual household income is less than £500. In that time, the smugglers of Agadez will collectively make between £16 and £17 million. And that’s before bribes worth, by my calculation, somewhere in the region of £1 million for the police.2”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“As a phenomenon, this isn’t new. For centuries, Agadez has been an important crossroads for travellers and traders trying to make it through the Sahara. In the Middle Ages, salt and gold merchants picking their way between Timbuktu and the Mediterranean often had to pass through the town. By the fifteenth century, Agadez had its own sultan, its famously imposing mosque, and a knot of winding streets that still exists today.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“Different people have always come here,’ says Tuwara. ‘But in the olden days we didn’t know what migration was – it’s only in the last four or five years that the word “migration” appeared in our speech.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“That normality goes like this: on arrival in Ajdabiya, you’re locked in a compound until your extended family cobbles together the cash to pay the smugglers. Wherever your relatives are, be it Israel, Sudan or even the UK, the smugglers will have a contact your family can pay in person. No refugees will pay the money themselves before they reach Ajdabiya, because the smugglers might not take them all the way. And no one carries cash to pay on arrival, because it will be stolen. So your family will have to find $1,600 in retrospective payment for the desert journey. And if your family hasn’t got that money, the smugglers torture you while your family listens on the phone.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“In a typically vicious remark, Miloš Zeman, the Czech president, warned that the influx of refugees would deprive Europeans ‘of women’s beauty since they will be shrouded in burkas from head to toe, including the face’.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“Like Katie Hopkins, prime minister David Cameron described migrants as a ‘swarm’. Foreign secretary Philip Hammond called them marauders bent on overrunning European civilisation. Home secretary Theresa May frequently scoffed at any suggestion that they might simply be seeking safety. Interviewed on Today, BBC radio’s flagship current affairs programme, May said, ‘People talk about refugees, but actually if you look at those crossing the central Mediterranean, the largest number of people are those from countries such as Nigeria, Somalia and Eritrea. These are economic migrants.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“He escaped a second time, was caught a second time, returned to prison, and then sent for yet another spell of military service. By the time he finally fled to Sudan, aged fifteen, he had been jailed twice, and forced to become a child soldier three times. After being kidnapped and tortured by Libyan smugglers, he finally reached Italy by boat in May 2015.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“But for pragmatists on both sides of the debate, this very reductive picture of an economic migrant is ultimately not a particularly useful one. For a start, people who travel for so many miles through such horrific conditions in order to find work cannot accurately be portrayed as lazy benefit-scroungers. Ironically, they instead display qualities that would be prized in indigenous Europeans – the kind of on-yer-bike resourcefulness that conservatives wish was intrinsic to every native jobseeker.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“Until 2011, the business was a comparatively low-level affair. In the middle of the first decade of the twenty-first century, the smugglers of Libya and Tunisia might collectively send around 40,000 people2 each year to Lampedusa, the southernmost Italian island, and the Italian mainland beyond. Spain had built not one nor two but three fences around its pair of enclaves in north-west Africa, so Morocco was finally no longer the best option for those trying to reach Europe. The”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“In the process, you obscure the actual reasons why people might risk their life to cross the sea – the wars and dictators that forced them from their homes. By denying the existence of these real root causes you simultaneously absolve yourself from the duty of providing sanctuary to those fleeing from them. Acknowledging this duty would prove very problematic: it would be an admission that your own failure to do so previously was the reason why so many thousands then turned in their desperation to smugglers – and why so many of them then drowned in the ocean. It would be an admission that a Syrian boards a boat only when he realises that there’s no realistic means of winning asylum from the Middle East. And an admission that Libya’s current predicament is in part the result of NATO’s (justifiable) airstrikes against Gaddafi in 2011 – and subsequent (and unjustifiable) failure to help Libya’s post-Gaddafi transition.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“The writer Jeremy Harding made this point best in 2000, writing in the London Review of Books: ‘We think of agents, traffickers and facilitators as the worst abusers of refugees, but when they set out to extort from their clients, when they cheat them or dispatch them to their deaths, they are only enacting an entrepreneurial version of the disdain which refugees suffer at the hands of far more powerful enemies – those who terrorise them and those who are determined to keep them at arm’s length.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis

“If you’re not protecting me, I will not protect you,’ Hajj himself had warned the EU, back in April. ‘I am the guard protecting your outer gate. If you neglect me, then anyone can get in.”
― Patrick Kingsley, The New Odyssey: The Story of the Twenty-First Century Refugee Crisis