Mark Stone

“Supporters of apokatastasis in roughly chronological order:

- [c. 30-105] Apostle Paul and various NT authors
- [c. 80-150] Scattered likely references among Apostolic Fathers
o Ignatius
o Justin Martyr
o Tatian
o Theophilus of Antioch (explicit references)
- [130-202] Irenaeus
- [c. 150-200] Pantaenus of Alexandria
- [150-215] Clement of Alexandria
- [154-222] Bardaisan of Edessa
- [c. 184-253] Origen (including The Dialogue of Adamantius)
- [♱ 265] Dionysius of Alexandria
- [265-280] Theognustus
- [c. 250-300] Hieracas
- [♱ c. 309] Pierius
- [♱ c. 309] St Pamphilus Martyr
- [♱ c. 311] Methodius of Olympus
- [251-306] St. Anthony
- [c. 260-340] Eusebius
- [c. 270-340] St. Macrina the Elder
- [conv. 355] Gaius Marius Victorinus (converted at very old age)
- [300-368] Hilary of Poitiers
- [c. 296-373] Athanasius of Alexandria
- [♱ c. 374] Marcellus of Ancrya
- [♱378] Titus of Basra/Bostra
- [c. 329-379] Basil the Cappadocian
- [327-379] St. Macrina the Younger
- [♱387] Cyril of Jerusalem (possibly)
- [c. 300-388] Paulinus, bishop of Tyre and then Antioch
- [c. 329-390] Gregory Nazianzen
- [♱ c. 390] Apollinaris of Laodicaea
- [♱ c. 390] Diodore of Tarsus
- [330-390] Gregory of Nyssa
- [c. 310/13-395/8] Didymus the Blind of Alexandria
- [333-397] Ambrose of Milan
- [345-399] Evagrius Ponticus
- [♱407] Theotimus of Scythia
- [350-428] Theodore of Mopsuestia
- [c. 360-400] Rufinus
- [350-410] Asterius of Amaseia
- [347-420] St. Jerome
- [354-430] St. Augustine (early, anti-Manichean phase)
- [363-430] Palladius
- [360-435] John Cassian
- [373-414] Synesius of Cyrene
- [376-444] Cyril of Alexandria
- [500s] John of Caesarea
- [♱520] Aeneas of Gaza
- [♱523] Philoxenus of Mabbug
- [475-525] Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite
- [♱543] Stephen Bar Sudhaili
- [580-662] St. Maximus the Confessor
- [♱ c. 700] St. Isaac of Nineveh
- [c. 620-705] Anastasius of Sinai
- [c. 690-780] St. John of Dalyatha
- [710/13-c. 780] Joseph Hazzaya
- [813-903] Moses Bar Kepha
- [815-877] Johannes Scotus Eriugena”
― Ilaria Ramelli

“If we are able to read stereotypical language of the Bible in reference to suffering -- and particularly the suffering involved in siege warfare -- as a measure not so much of the historical details of the disaster or catastrophe, but rather as a measure of the emotional, social, and obviously therefore spiritual impact of the disaster (after all, this is religious literature), then our analysis of a good deal of biblical literature in relation to the exile would need to be rethought. Stereotypical literature of suffering is not literature that can somehow be 'decoded' to mean that the exiles actually lived in Babylonian comfort. (p. 104)”
― Daniel L. Smith-Christopher, A Biblical Theology of Exile

“We must keep in mind Edward Said's important warning that the first reality for thinking creatively (and for us, theologically) about exile is that it is a form of disaster and trauma that is inseparably connected to human actions related to power, dominance, and brutality:

'To think of exile as beneficial, as a spur to humanism or to creativity, is to belittle its mutliations.' (p. 21)”
― Daniel L. Smith-Christopher, A Biblical Theology of Exile

“In the first part of the first millennium the surrounding lands, including Babylonia, were terrorized by the Assyrians. Their diplomatic policy of 'peace' involved deportation and demolition. ...Deportations totally disrupted life in the inhabited world in the first millennium. It was not enough for the conquerors to raze every sign of human habitation to the ground, not enough to cut down the trees and burn the crops in what today would be described as a scorched-earth policy; they disinterred the dead and denuded the earth by removing the fertile topsoil, loading it on to carts and taking it back home with the expressed aim of ensuring that, '...their name and that of the descendants, their remains and those of their offspring, should no longer be on the lips of humanity.' We know of 157 mass deportations undertaken by Assyrian dictators, by means of which they intended to do their utmost to eradicate any traces of the memory of their opponents; they were not content 'until nothing remained.' (pp. 47-48)”
― Gerdien Jonker, The Topography of Remembrance: The Dead, Tradition and Collective Memory in Mesopotamia