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Constans left 3 sons to squabble over the throne, Heraclius, Tiberius, and Constantine. Following the death of their father, factions throughout the city demanded that they should each rule over the empire of earth as the Trinity rules from heaven. However, plans would change in 681 when Constantine IV, looking for his son, Justinian II to inherit the throne, mutilated his brothers noses, had them deposed and exiled.

Constans II tenure in Italy was marked by glamorous moments and also times when the native populace was harassed by his goverment. Intially his court was welcomed into Sicily where for the first time since Sextus Pompey, a Roman ruled from Syracuse. However, while the welcome was warm, the next few years would change as his tax collectors often meddled with the populace. In 668, while taking a bath, Constans fell

The siege of Benevento had failed so Constans had no choice but to head towards Nepolis. It was at this time the emperor made a detour and routed instead for the Eternal City where he and his court were welcome by the residing Pope Vitalien. For the next tweleve days, he attended and spent time in the cities great churches; to the effect of striping the cities its valuables and sending it to Constantinople

It wouldn't be until spring 663 that Constans' and his court would cross the Adriatic and into Italy at their base in Tarentum. The Lombards who controlled much of the North had already begun harassing the emperors baggage trains. Preparations to besiege Benevento were under way which served as a choke point towards the Roman city of Nepolis, however the siege would fail when (Sesuald) warned the locals of an attack.

Up to this point Constans was extremely unpopular, having both inhumanly altered the lives of Pope Martin and Maximus. So when in 662 when he left Constantinople the populace seemed to have little care about his departure feeling he was only going to demontrate his power in the Western provinces from Saracen and Lombard sway. Before reaching Italy however he would spend a number of years in Thessalonica and Athens...

The empire in the this time was facing crisis on all fronts. With the Saracens closing in on the east with great speed, and the Slavs growing restless of the tribute being paid to the empire. The emperor looked for a new base to control affairs both east and west more suitable than Constantinople. His uncle Heraclius had already contemplated this juncture when the Persians were at the gates...

"Like Martin, Maximus the Confessor had been the spiritual leader of opposition to the Ekthesis and Typos. Indeed he had gone even further, maintaing the emperor as a layman had no rght to pronounce on theological matters. Maximus would be subjected to tortures for his defiance and considered the forerunner of the medieval church fathers to uphold the claims of the church against the state in the centuries to come."

Doge Vitale Michiel II in September 1171 sent a retaliatory fleet to raid the Aegean reaching as far as Euboea. However a prepared Byzantine fleet was assembled pushing them back with once again, pleas by Venice to renew their past trading rights. A patrician and future Doge apart of these raids named Enrico Dandolo held a spiteful grudge against the Greek actions, which would stay with him for the rest of his life.

The arrests were extremely popular in the favor of Manuel I, while the detainments were brief, it would be an action that Venice would not forget in the coming decades. According to J.H, the arrests were a response to either Venetian raids on the Genoese colony the decade prior and also during their joint attack on Norman Sicily, Venetian sailors getting hold of imperial regalia and staging a mock burlesque ceremony.

"In sharp contrast to his usual practice of conciliating western opinion, in spring of 1171 he secretly brought troops into Constantinople when on the 12th of March, he ordered the systematic arrests of all Venetian in the empire with remarkable efficiency. In total 10,000 Venetian inhabitants were rounded up and with properties confiscated and confined to prisons. All with much of Venice kept in the dark of this."

The privileges of the Italian merchants throughout much of the capital stirred much resentment among the local populace. Gang violence occurred in the streets with one instance occurring in 1162 by the Venetian's, Pisans and help of some local Greek staged an attack on the Genoese holdings attempting to drive them from the city. The apparent "pro-latin" Manuel was also becoming increasingly bothered by these actions.

The Byzantine empire was not, after all, a Greek national state. It was only to be expected that Christians of "all races" should be found in the service of the universal Christian emperor...other literary evidence from the period shows plainly that many Byzantine's regarded Latins as simply "fellow Christians."

Harris, J Byzantium and the Crusades p.123

John II attempted to withdraw the agreements made from his father in 1124, however Venetian fleet unprepared for this decided to raid several Greek cities in the Aegean to force the emperors hand. The attacks came without warning which meant that a fleet couldn't be assembled to defend the raids. He eventually gave in the demands and renewed the agreements in 1126.

The negative feelings came only when the Venetian, Genoans and Pisans who were allowed trading rights in the empire had been actively abusing their holdings within Constantinople often getting in disagreements with the local Greek populace. The historians Anna Komnene and Niketas Choniates were "paying fulsome tribute tot he loyalty and courage of Latins in byzantine service."

J.H leaves a counter argument why the anti-latin perception of the reign of Andronicus has been mostly a misconception from the matter of circumstance. Providing examples of the agreements that Alexios made with Venice and the marriages arranged by Manuel with his descendants with Latin royals. Scandinavians, Englishman, and even Normans had been employed in the armies.

September 24th, 1180 Manuel I Komnenos dies leaving a vacuum on the throne. Throughout most of Constantinople a rise in the anti-latin feelings was growing widespread. Even more so after Manuel had taken the exception of employing many latins in the imperial office, over the native Greeks. Andronicus, the cousin of Manuel according to J.H didn't necessarily believe in the movement, using it to promoted his campagin

Interestingly, Reynald de Chatillon would emerge as a prominent figure during the reign of Manuel I. As the settlements around Cilicia were being threatened by the Armenian King Thoros, Reynald, would be sent by Manuel to deal with this coming threat. However, unsure if his reward would be met, he decided to turn his sword against the Byzantjnes and join with Thoros ruling from Antioch.

Accounts by Byzantine sources Kinnamos and Choniates on Roman capture of Antioch

"As part of their payment to induce John to withdraw, the citizens of Shaizar handed over a cross, carved from red marble, supposedly fashioned on the orders of Constantine I, and taken by the Turks from Romanos IV after the Battle of Manikert 1071(Harris 90)."

Kinnamos, 1976, pp. 24-5; Choniates, 1984, p.22

An interesting note to add is how the author relays some of the letters he sent to the pope regarding the supposed deeds of Alexios as a usurper being only influenced by his vices.

and how he ties this in with an example of similar policy making the Normans made before invading Britain in 1066.

Bohemond to Pope Paschal II in Holtzman, 1935, pp. 280-82

In the chapter "Jerusalem and Antioch" he closes with the efforts imposed by Bohemond to demonize the Emperor. As mention, his "Deeds of the Franks" laid the perceptions that was to fuel Western thought for the next few centuries. The events of the schism allowed for certain religious figures to relay Johns seizure of Antioch as "legitimate" claims to attack Constantinople...

Another big emphasis Harris points out is the efforts by the Emperors Alexios and John attempted at having good relations with the West. Mentioning banquets Alexios would hold for the visiting rulers and the gifts he would give to them. Even when John II attempted to arrange a marriage with the regent Constance to his son Manuel I. Plans fell through when it was decided that she would marry Raymond of Poitiers

Throughout much of the chapters "The Passage of the First Crusade' and "Jerusalem and Antioch" these conflicts arise even more clearly to highlight much of the side-stepping the Latins went in avoiding cooperation with the Emperor. The fall of Nicaea was considered in the West as evidence for belief of infidel ties with the Emperor, when in reality it was to avoid further bloodshed that loomed in ranks of the Latins

The primary sources he uses for the Byzantine accounts being, Anna Komnenes "The Alexiad' and Niketas Choniates. From the Latin perception he uses mainly the Gesta Francorum which accounts the Norman leader Bohemonds "heroic ventures" to the Holy Land writing off the Alexios as "abominable"

To this point, Johnathon Harris has given the reader a glimpse of scale of the First Crusade; the papal conflict between Clement III and Urban II, The Three waves of Peter the Hermit, Bohemond of Taranto, Godfrey of Bullio, and of course the struggles that the Emperors Alexios I and John II had to deal with. A big topic in the chapter is the Latin "seizure" of Antioch and how the author explores the differing sources

To start, Johnathon Harries leaves a impressionable opening remarks for the first few chapters. His introduction and the first chapter set the stage for the understanding the story Byzantium offers and how these eventual westerners would begin their interactions in 800.

In the course of three centuries, one act would lead to another between east and west impeding ambitions. Fingers would be pointed, names called.

The authors opens with a variety of sources ranges starting with Zosimus, a pagan historian who wrote three decades after the life of Constantine. We see the bulk of his writings in the introduction. The Patriarch Photius and the nephew and later Emperor Julian who wrote also not too highly of Constantine. Overall, good introduction with sources from both perspectives and insight of the times when they were written

As territories in the eastern provinces were becoming more and more in jeopardy by the saracen menace. Constans II began to turn his attention westward in hopes of establishing an imperial presence in Italy. In 663, he became the first emperor to visit Italy since the dissolution of the Western Roman Empire two hundred years before.

an iron chain was wrapped around his neck where he was paraded through the Praetorium(imperial prison). The Patriarch Paul insistently sought that Martin should face no further ill-treatment. The emperor accepted this changing the sentencing from death to banishment. Pope Martin would be exiled to Cherson in Crimea were he would die in 655

The religious dispute monthelitism would persist at this time. Constans at only seventeen would publish his Typos, which aimed to provide context to this idea, begun by his uncle Heraclius. Pope Martin I would stand up to this edict which led to his eventual kidnapping and brutal torture. He would be trialed and sentenced to death; standing before a dense audience, is papal robes were torn leaving him exposed...