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It may be, for example, that the real explanation of the effectiveness of fear for the decision to invade Iraq was the lack of the average American’s ability to imagine himself as a member of a population being invaded and heavily aerially bombed by a vastly more powerful military force, and that in turn was the consequence of stereotypes about Arab Muslims that robbed us of the capacity for empathy toward them.

Prisoners have become dehumanized as a consequence. They now serve as a strategic instrument in politics. A politician summons up crime to elicit fear, and then offers himself as the instrument to satisfy the desire for retribution (though the desire is for retribution of the fear caused by that very politician).

It is not reasonable to propose a policy that, from the perspective of another, is unreasonable. The normative ideal of reasonableness is the demand “to live politically with others in the light of reasons all might reasonably be expected to endorse.”

Advertising: A contribution to public discourse that is presented as an embodiment of certain ideals, but in the service of a goal that is irrelevant to those very ideals.

Lying too is a betrayal of the rational will. But it is a different kind of betrayal of the rational will than propaganda. At least with lying, one purports to provide evidence. Propaganda is worse than that. It attempts to unify opinion without attempting to appeal to our rational will at all.

According to these classical characterizations of propaganda...propaganda closes off debate by bypassing the rational will. It makes the state move as one, stirred by emotions that far surpass the evidence for their intensity.

connecting with people through the written word, and enjoying it.

Populism is not a simple external response to elites and bureaucracies but is rather a criticism of democracy from within.

If more generally, dictatorship was rooted in a trinitarian notion of popular sovereignty, according to which the leader personally embodied the nation and the people—or as the fascists put it, one man, one people, one nation—corporatism provided a theory for regulating conflict in capitalism and under the supreme arbitration of the leader.

Fascists wanted to replace what they saw as mechanistic, repetitive, and involuntary modernity with a “qualified” modernity in which the fascist could tame matter and the economy.

Violence defined fascism’s conceptual representations, especially with respect to fascist genocidal notions of the abject and sacrifice.

The Fascist government even toyed with the idea of registering all pregnancies; its Laws on Public Safety did turn “impeding the fecundity of the Italian people” into a crime of state, while the 1930 penal code included a chapter headed “crimes against the integrity and health of the race.”

Many of their propaganda ideas were modelled on the efforts of the French, who issued a medal “for the French family” to productive mothers—bronze for five children, gold for ten—who did their patriotic
duty in the aftermath of the Great War’s bloodletting.