Even in the case of fines…the intention seems not to have been to impose such permanent distress on offenders as would deprive the social body of the wrongdoer's ability to meet his normal commitments.
"The relevance of studying antiquity's financial destiny is to see how the initial safety valves it enacted were dismantled by creditor oligarchies that imposed debt-ridden austerity as credit and markets became increasingly privatized."
"During times of a powerful state, i.e. Ur III, the state attempted to monopolize all propertyabd establishall production by state command; when the state was weak, i.e. Kassite Babylonia, property and production fell into the hands of private families and individuals."
"In addition to preserving economic solvency for the population, rulers thus found debt cancelation to be a way to prevent a financial oligarchy from emerging to rival the policy aims of kings."
In all the coups documented in this book, Ottawa worked in tandem with the U.S. government. However, that does not mean Ottawa was coerced into supporting these anti-democratic forces...In short, Canada's ruling class views the world much like their U.S. counterparts do and profits from global exploitation in a similar way.
Rarely do coups begin the day the leader or government is overthrown, and there are generally many opportunities to stop them.
"While endorsing Western interference in left-leaning countries like the Congo, Dominican Republic, Brazil, and Ghana, Ottawa argued that supporting anti-fascist forces in Greece amounted to interference in a friendly country."
professional historians will have to position themselves more clearly within the present, lest politicians, magnates, or ethnic leaders alone write history for them.While some of us debate what history is or was, others take it in their own hands.
"Public history is often now a tale of sheer power clothed in electronic innocence and lexical clarity. Image makers can produce on the screen, on the page, or on the streets, shows, slogans, or rituals that seem more authentic to the masses than the original events they mimic or celebrate."
The claims of the {Haitian] revolution were indeed too radical to be formulated in advance of its deeds. Victorious practice could assert them only after the fact. In that sense, the revolution was indeed at the limits of the thinkable, even in Saint-Domingue, even among the slaves, even among its own leaders...discourse always lagged behind practice.
Access to human status did not lead ipso facto to self-determination. In short...in Condorcet, as in Mirabeau, as in Jefferson, when all is said and done, there are degrees of humanity.
If the account was indeed fully comprehensive of all facts it would be incomprehensible.
The presences and absences embodied in sources or archives are neither neutral nor natural. They are created...Mentions and silences are thus active, dialectical counterparts of which history is the synthesis.
Silences enter the process of historical production at four crucial moments: the moment of fact creation (the making of sources); the moment of fact assembly (the making of archives; the moment of fact retrieval (the making of narratives) and the moment of retrospective significance (the making of history in the final instance.
What matters most are the process and conditions of production of [historical] narratives. Only a focus on that process can uncover the ways in which the two sides of historicity ["what happened" & "that which is said to have happened"] intertwine...Through that overlap [we] discover the differential exercise of power that makes some narratives possible and silences others.
[A] 1997 ruling by the WTO that ended Caribbean countries’ preferential access to European markets for banana exports. The United States had brought a complaint to the WTO, protesting the protected market share that European countries had granted their former colonies in the Caribbean, claiming it was a violation of the principles of free trade.
"I am a Lab Rat in a grand experiment. Everything that is being introduced into the Canadian workplace--short-term, contract, 'flexible' employment--has been tried on us for fifty-seven years.What they try on migrant farm workers, they'll try on you next."
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