Blake > Blake's Quotes

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  • #1
    Étienne de La Boétie
    “It is incredible how as soon as a people become subject, it
    promptly falls into such complete forgetfulness of its freedom
    that it can hardly be roused to the point of regaining it,
    obeying so easily and willingly that one is led to say that this
    people has not so much lost its liberty as won its enslavement.”
    Etienne de la Boetie

  • #2
    Étienne de La Boétie
    “Resolve to serve no more, and you are at once freed. I do not ask that you place hands upon the tyrant to topple him over, but simply that you support him no longer; then you will behold him, like a great Colossus whose pedestal has been pulled away, fall of his own weight and break in pieces.”
    Étienne de La Boétie

  • #3
    Leo Tolstoy
    “Pierre was right when he said that one must believe in the possibility of happiness in order to be happy, and I now believe in it. Let the dead bury the dead, but while I'm alive, I must live and be happy.”
    Leo Tolstoy, War and Peace

  • #4
    Ludwig von Mises
    “Everyone carries a part of society on his shoulders; no one is relieved of his share of responsibility by others. And no one can find a safe way out for himself if society is sweeping toward destruction. Therefore, everyone, in his own interests, must thrust himself vigorously into the intellectual battle. None can stand aside with unconcern; the interest of everyone hangs on the result. Whether he chooses or not, every man is drawn into the great historical struggle, the decisive battle into which our epoch has plunged us.”
    Ludwig Von Mises

  • #5
    Ludwig von Mises
    “Once the principle is admitted that it is the duty of the government to protect the individual against his own foolishness, no serious objections can be advanced against further encroachments.”
    Ludwig Von Mises

  • #6
    Ludwig von Mises
    “All rational action is in the first place individual action. Only the individual thinks. Only the individual reasons. Only the individual acts.”
    Ludwig von Mises, Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis

  • #7
    Ludwig von Mises
    “If history could teach us anything, it would be that private property is inextricably linked with civilization”
    Ludwig von Mises

  • #8
    Ludwig von Mises
    “Under capitalism the common man enjoys amenities which in ages gone by were unknown and therefore inaccessible even to the richest people. But, of course, these motorcars, television sets and refrigerators do not make a man happy. In the instant in which he acquires them, he may feel happier than he did before. But as soon as some of his wishes are satisfied, new wishes spring up. Such is human nature.”
    Ludwig Von Mises, The Anti-Capitalistic Mentality

  • #9
    Ludwig von Mises
    “The masses do not like those who surpass them in any regard. The average man envies and hates those who are different.”
    Ludwig Von Mises, The Ultimate Foundation of Economic Science: An Essay on Method

  • #10
    Ludwig von Mises
    “Because in [Lenin's] eyes the workers
    were only workers and not also customers, he believed they were already slaves under capitalism, and that one did not change their status
    when nationalizing all plants and shops.
    Socialism substitutes the sovereignty of a dictator, or committee of dictators, for the sovereignty of the consumers. Along with the economic sovereignty of the citizens disappears also their political sovereignty. To the unique production plan that annuls any planning on the part of the consumers corresponds in the constitutional sphere the one party principle that deprives the citizens of any opportunity to plan the course of public affairs. Freedom is indivisible. He who has not the faculty to choose among various brands of canned food or soap, is also deprived of the power to
    choose between various political parties and programs and to elect the officeholders. He is no longer a man; he becomes a pawn in the hands of the supreme social engineer. Even his freedom to rear progeny will be taken
    away by eugenics.”
    Ludwig Von Mises

  • #11
    Ludwig von Mises
    “He who only wishes and hopes does not interfere actively with the course of events and with the shaping of his own destiny.”
    Ludwig Von Mises, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics

  • #12
    Ludwig von Mises
    “Nobody ever recommended a dictatorship aiming at ends other than those he himself approved. He who advocates dictatorship always advocates the unrestricted rule of his own will”
    Ludwig Von Mises, Omnipotent Government

  • #13
    Ludwig von Mises
    “People must learn that the accumulation of wealth by the successful
    conduct of business is the corollary of the improvement of their own standard of
    living and vice versa. They must realize that bigness in business is not an evil, but both the cause and effect of the fact that they themselves enjoy all those amenities
    whose enjoyment is called the “American way of life.”
    Ludwig Von Mises, Economic Freedom and Interventionism: An Anthology of Articles and Essays

  • #14
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “Democracy has nothing to do with freedom. Democracy is a soft variant of communism, and rarely in the history of ideas has it been taken for anything else.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe

  • #15
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “However, not only external expansion of state power is brought about by the ideology of nationalism. War as the natural outgrowth of nationalism is also the means of strengthening the state’s internal powers of exploitation and expropriation. Each war is also an internal emergency situation, and an emergency requires and seems to justify the acceptance of the state’s increasing its control over its own population. Such increased control gained through the creation of emergencies is reduced during peacetime, but it never sinks back to its pre-war levels. Rather, each successfully ended war (and only successful governments can survive) is used by the government and its intellectuals to propagate the idea that it was only because of nationalistic vigilance and expanded governmental powers that the “foreign aggressors” were crushed and one’s own country saved, and that this successful recipe must then be retained in order to be prepared for the next emergency. Led by the just proven “dominant” nationalism, each successful war ends with the attainment of a new peacetime high of governmental controls and thereby further strengthens a government’s appetite for implementing the next winnable international emergency.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe, The Economics and Ethics of Private Property: Studies in Political Economy and Philosophy

  • #16
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “But Empire building also bears the seeds of its own destruction. The closer a state comes to the ultimate goal of world domination and one-world government, the less reason is there to maintain its internal liberalism and do instead what all states are inclined to do anyway, i.e., to crack down and increase their exploitation of whatever productive people are still left. Consequently, with no additional tributaries available and domestic productivity stagnating or falling, the Empire’s internal policies of bread and circuses can no longer be maintained. Economic crisis hits, and an impending economic meltdown will stimulate decentralizing tendencies, separatist and secessionist movements, and lead to the break-up of Empire. We have seen this happen with Great Britain, and we are seeing it now, with the US and its Empire apparently on its last leg.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe

  • #17
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “Contrary to any claim of a systematically “neutral” effect of taxation on production, the consequence of any such shortening of roundabout methods of production is a lower output produced. The price that invariably must be paid for taxation, and for every increase in taxation, is a coercively lowered productivity that in turn reduces the standard of living in terms of valuable assets provided for future consumption. Every act of taxation necessarily exerts a push away from more highly capitalized, more productive production processes in the direction of a hand-to-mouth-existence.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe

  • #18
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “The state must answer these questions, too, but whatever it does, it does it without being subject to the profit-and-loss criterion. Hence, its action is arbitrary and necessarily involves countless wasteful misallocations from the consumer’s viewpoint. Independent to a large degree of consumer wants, the state-employed security producers instead do what they like. They hang around instead of doing anything, and if they do work they prefer doing what is easiest or work where they can wield power rather than serving consumers. Police officers drive around a lot, hassle petty traffic violators, spend huge amounts of money investigating victimless crimes that many people (i.e., nonparticipants) do not like but that few would be willing to spend their money on to fight, as they are not immediately affected by them. Yet with respect to what consumers want most urgently—the prevention of hardcore crime (i.e., crimes with victims), the apprehension and effective punishment of hard-core criminals, the recovery of loot, and the securement of compensation of victims of crimes from the aggressors—the police are notoriously inefficient, in spite of ever higher budget allocations.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe

  • #19
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “If the right to vote were expanded to seven year olds … its policies would most definitely reflect the ‘legitimate concerns’ of children to have ‘adequate’ and ‘equal’ access to ‘free’ french fries, lemonade and videos.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Democracy: The God That Failed

  • #20
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “In accordance with his high time preference, he may want to be a vagabond, a drifter, a drunkard, a junkie, a daydreamer, or simply a happy go-lucky kind of guy who likes to work as little as possible in order to enjoy each and every day to the fullest.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Democracy: The God That Failed

  • #21
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe
    “Incidentally, the same logic that would force one to accept the idea of the production of security by private business as economically the best solution to the problem of consumer satisfaction also forces one, so far as moral-ideological positions are concerned, to abandon the political theory of classical liberalism and take the small but nevertheless decisive step (from there) to the theory of libertarianism, or private property anarchism. Classical liberalism, with Ludwig von Mises as its foremost representative in the twentieth century, advocates a social system based on the nonaggression principle. And this is also what libertarianism advocates. But classical liberalism then wants to have this principle enforced by a monopolistic agency (the government, the state)—an organization, that is, which is not exclusively dependent on voluntary, contractual support by the consumers of its respective services, but instead has the right to unilaterally determine its own income, i.e., the taxes to be imposed on consumers in order to do its job in the area of security production. Now, however plausible this might sound, it should be clear that it is inconsistent. Either the principle of nonaggression is valid, in which case the state as a privileged monopolist is immoral, or business built on and around aggression—the use of force and of noncontractual means of acquiring resources—is valid, in which case one must toss out the first theory. It is impossible to sustain both contentions and not to be inconsistent unless, of course, one could provide a principle that is more fundamental than both the nonaggression principle and the states’ right to aggressive violence and from which both, with the respective limitations regarding the domains in which they are valid, can be logically derived. However, liberalism never provided any such principle, nor will it ever be able to do so, since, to argue in favor of anything presupposes one’s right to be free of aggression. Given the fact then that the principle of nonaggression cannot be argumentatively contested as morally valid without implicitly acknowledging its validity, by force of logic one is committed to abandoning liberalism and accepting instead its more radical child: libertarianism, the philosophy of pure capitalism, which demands that the production of security be undertaken by private business too.”
    Hans-Hermann Hoppe, The Economics and Ethics of Private Property: Studies in Political Economy and Philosophy

  • #22
    Albert Jay Nock
    “When a beggar asks us for a quarter, our instinct is to say that the State has already confiscated our quarter for his benefit, and he should go to the State about it.”
    Albert Jay Nock, Our Enemy, the State

  • #23
    Albert Jay Nock
    “All the power [the State] has is what society gives it, plus what it confiscates from time to time on one pretext or another; there is no other source from which State power can be drawn. Therefore every assumption of State power, whether by gift or seizure, leaves society with so much less power.”
    Albert Jay Nock, Our Enemy, the State

  • #24
    Isabel Paterson
    “A tax-supported, compulsory educational system is the complete model of the totalitarian state.”
    Isabel Paterson, The God of the Machine

  • #25
    Isabel Paterson
    “There can be no greater stretch of arbitrary power than to seize children from their parents, teach them whatever the authorities decree they shall be taught, and expropriate from the parents the funds to pay for the procedure.”
    Isabel Paterson

  • #26
    Isabel Paterson
    “The military state is the final form to which every planned economy tends rapidly.”
    Isabel Paterson

  • #27
    Isabel Paterson
    “If everyone were invariably honest, able, wise, and kind, there should be no occasion for government. Everyone would readily understand what is desirable and what is possible in given circumstances, all would concur upon the best means toward their purpose and for equitable participation in the ensuing benefits, and would act without compulsion or default. The maximum production was certainly obtained from such voluntary action arising from personal initiative. But since human beings will sometimes lie, shirk, break promises, fail to improve their faculties, act imprudently, seize by violence the goods of others, and even kill one another in anger or greed, government might be defined as the police organization. In that case, it must be described as a necessary evil. It would have no existence as a separate entity, and no intrinsic authority; it could not be justly empowered to act excepting as individuals infringed one another's rights, when it should enforce prescribed penalties. Generally, it would stand in the relation of a witness to contract, holding a forfeit for the parties. As such, the least practicable measure of government must be the best. Anything beyond the minimum must be oppression.”
    Isabel Paterson, The God of the Machine

  • #28
    Isabel Paterson
    “The objection to profit is as if a bystander, observing the planter digging his crop, should say: "You put in only one potato and you are taking out a dozen. You must have taken them away from someone else; those extra potatoes cannot be yours by right." If profit is denounced, it must be assumed that running at a loss is admirable. On the contrary, that is what requires justification. Profit is self-justifying.”
    Isabel Paterson, The God of the Machine

  • #29
    Friedrich A. Hayek
    “From the fact that people are very different it follows that, if we treat them equally, the result must be inequality in their actual position, and that the only way to place them in an equal position would be to treat them differently. Equality before the law and material equality are therefore not only different but are in conflict with each other; and we can achieve either one or the other, but not both at the same time”
    Friedrich August von Hayek, Constitution of Liberty

  • #30
    H.L. Mencken
    “Every normal man must be tempted, at times, to spit on his hands, hoist the black flag, and begin slitting throats.”
    H.L. Mencken, Prejudices First Series



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