Becky > Becky's Quotes

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  • #1
    Lemony Snicket
    “For some stories, it's easy. The moral of 'The Three Bears,' for instance, is "Never break into someone else's house.' The moral of 'Snow White' is 'Never eat apples.' The moral of World War I is 'Never assassinate Archduke Ferdinand.”
    Lemony Snicket, The Wide Window

  • #2
    Nassim Nicholas Taleb
    “The three most harmful addictions are heroin, carbohydrates, and a monthly salary.”
    Nassim Nicholas Taleb

  • #3
    Laurell K. Hamilton
    “I sipped my own coffee, heavy on the sugar and cream, trying to make up for the late work the night before. Caffeine and sugar, the two basic food groups.”
    Laurell K. Hamilton, Cerulean Sins

  • #4
    “Sugar gave rise to the slave trade; now sugar has enslaved us.”
    Jeff O'Connell, Sugar Nation: The Hidden Truth Behind America's Deadliest Habit and the Simple Way to Beat It
    tags: sugar

  • #5
    William Shakespeare
    “This above all: to thine own self be true,
    And it must follow, as the night the day,
    Thou canst not then be false to any man.”
    William Shakespeare, Hamlet

  • #6
    William Shakespeare
    “It is not in the stars to hold our destiny but in ourselves.”
    William Shakespeare

  • #7
    Charles Dickens
    “Liberty, equality, fraternity, or death; - the last, much the easiest to bestow, O Guillotine!”
    Charles Dickens , A Tale of Two Cities

  • #8
    Maximilien Robespierre
    “Peoples do not judge in the same way as courts of law; they do not hand down sentences, they throw thunderbolts; they do not condemn kings, they drop them back into the void; and this justice is worth just as much as that of the courts.”
    Maximilien Robespierre

  • #9
    Maximilien Robespierre
    “A sensibility that wails almost exclusively over the enemies of liberty seems suspect to me. Stop shaking the tyrant's bloody robe in my face, or I will believe that you wish to put Rome in chains.”
    Maximilien Robespierre

  • #10
    Christopher Hitchens
    “The matter on which I judge people is their willingness, or ability, to handle contradiction. Thus Paine was better than Burke when it came to the principle of the French revolution, but Burke did and said magnificent things when it came to Ireland, India and America. One of them was in some ways a revolutionary conservative and the other was a conservative revolutionary. It's important to try and contain multitudes. One of my influences was Dr Israel Shahak, a tremendously brave Israeli humanist who had no faith in collectivist change but took a Spinozist line on the importance of individuals. Gore Vidal's admirers, of whom I used to be one and to some extent remain one, hardly notice that his essential critique of America is based on Lindbergh and 'America First'—the most conservative position available. The only real radicalism in our time will come as it always has—from people who insist on thinking for themselves and who reject party-mindedness.”
    Christopher Hitchens, Christopher Hitchens and His Critics: Terror, Iraq, and the Left

  • #11
    Hilary Mantel
    “92, '93, '94. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity or Death.”
    Hilary Mantel, A Place of Greater Safety

  • #12
    “A collective insanity seemed to have seized the nation and turned them into something worse than beasts. The princess de Lamballe, Marie Antoinette's intimate friend, was literally torn to pieces; her head, breasts, and pudenda were paraded on pikes before the windows of the Temple, where the royal family was imprisoned, while a man boasted drunkenly at a cafe that he had eaten the princess' heart, which he probably had.”
    J. Christopher Herold, The Age of Napoleon

  • #13
    Charles Dickens
    “Hunger was pushed out of the tall houses, in the wretched clothing that hung upon poles and lines; Hunger was patched into them with straw and rag and wood and paper; Hunger was repeated in every fragment of the small modicum of firewood that the man sawed off; Hunger stared down from the smokeless chimneys, and started up from the filthy street that had no offal, among its refuse, of anything to eat. Hunger was the inscription on the baker's shelves, written in every small loaf of his scanty stock of bad bread; at the sausage-shop, in every dead-dog preparation that was offered for sale. Hunger rattled its dry bones among the roasting chestnuts in the turned cylinder; Hunger was shred into atomics in every farthing porringer of husky chips of potato, fried with some reluctant drops of oil.”
    Charles Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities

  • #14
    Michelle    Moran
    “Repeat the names,” my mother instructs, and we listen while Paschal recites the names of the months.
    “Vintage, Fog, Frost, Snow, Rain …” He hesitates on the sixth month.
    “Wind,” she says helpfully. We are all sitting at the caissier’s desk, and it is very important he get this right.
    “Wind,” he repeats after her. “Seed, Blossoms, M-Mead—”
    “Meadows,” I say.
    “Meadows, Harvesting, Heat, and Fruit.”
    Isabel claps. “Very good.”
    “And what year is this?” my mother asks.
    Paschal frowns. “Seventeen ninety-three?”
    “No,” Isabel says forcefully. “It is Year Two.”
    “But I don’t understand.”
    “The first year began on September twenty-second, seventeen ninety-two.” The day France declared itself the First Republic.
    “But how?” He doesn’t see how he could have been alive before time began.
    “That is the decree of the Convention,” she explains.”
    Michelle Moran, Madame Tussaud: A Novel of the French Revolution

  • #15
    George Orwell
    “The class-struggle is the main source of progress, and therefore the nobleman who robs the peasant and goads him to revolt is playing a necessary part, just as much as the Jacobin who guillotines the nobleman.”
    George Orwell

  • #16
    Eric J. Hobsbawm
    “Our problem is not to trace the emergence of a world market, of a sufficiently active class of private entrepreneurs, or even (in England) of a state dedicated to the proposition that the maximization of private profit was the foundation of government policy...By the 1780s we can take the existence of all these for granted...”
    Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 1789–1848

  • #17
    Victor Hugo
    “I congratulate you," said he, in the tone which one uses for a reprimand. "You did not vote for the death of the king, after all."

    The old member of the Convention did not appear to notice the bitter meaning underlying the words "after all." He replied. The smile had quite disappeared from his face.

    "Do not congratulate me too much, sir. I did vote for the death of the tyrant."

    It was the tone of austerity answering the tone of severity.

    "What do you mean to say?" resumed the Bishop.

    "I mean to say that man has a tyrant,--ignorance. I voted for the death of that tyrant. That tyrant engendered royalty, which is authority falsely understood, while science is authority rightly understood. Man should be governed only by science."

    "And conscience," added the Bishop.

    "It is the same thing. Conscience is the quantity of innate science which we have within us.”
    Victor Hugo, Fantine: Les Misérables #1

  • #18
    Victor Hugo
    “So far as Louis XVI. was concerned, I said `no.' I did not think that I had the right to kill a man; but I felt it my duty to exterminate evil. I voted the end of the tyrant, that is to say, the end of prostitution for woman, the end of slavery for man, the end of night for the child. In voting for the Republic, I voted for that. I voted for fraternity, concord, the dawn. I have aided in the overthrow of prejudices and errors. The crumbling away of prejudices and errors causes light. We have caused the fall of the old world, and the old world, that vase of miseries, has become, through its upsetting upon the human race, an urn of joy."

    "Mixed joy," said the Bishop.

    "You may say troubled joy, and to-day, after that fatal return of the past, which is called 1814, joy which has disappeared! Alas! The work was incomplete, I admit: we demolished the ancient regime in deeds; we were not able to suppress it entirely in ideas. To destroy abuses is not sufficient; customs must be modified. The mill is there no longer; the wind is still there."

    "You have demolished. It may be of use to demolish, but I distrust a demolition complicated with wrath."

    "Right has its wrath, Bishop; and the wrath of right is an element of progress. In any case, and in spite of whatever may be said, the French Revolution is the most important step of the human race since the advent of Christ. Incomplete, it may be, but sublime. It set free all the unknown social quantities; it softened spirits, it calmed, appeased, enlightened; it caused the waves of civilization to flow over the earth. It was a good thing. The French Revolution is the consecration of humanity.”
    Victor Hugo, Fantine: Les Misérables #1

  • #19
    Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn
    “For the average person, all problems date to World War II; for the more informed, to World War I; for the genuine historian, to the French Revolution.”
    Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, Leftism Revisited: from de Sade and Marx to Hitler and Pol Pot

  • #20
    Kris Waldherr
    “The truth is that, in times of turmoil, people look for a scapegoat to sacrifice. Marie Antoinette just happened to be the French Revolution's favorite It girl. To be fair, Marie Antoinette lived in a world which she was expected to obey her husband as if he were God,, to spill forth children as if she were Eve--- and then accept that aristocrats ate cake while peasants had no bread. After all, it was divine will and all that.”
    Kris Waldherr, Doomed Queens: Royal Women Who Met Bad Ends, From Cleopatra to Princess Di

  • #21
    Karen Swallow Prior
    “…the rising movement of romanticism, with its characteristic idealism, one that tended toward a black-and-white view of the world based on those ideas, preferred for different reasons that women remain untinged by “masculine” traits of learning. Famous romantic writers such as Lord Byron, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, and William Hazlitt criticized the bluestockings. …and Hazlitt declared his 'utter aversion to Bluestockingism … I do not care a fig for any woman that knows even what an author means.' Because of the tremendous influence that romanticism gained over the cultural mind-set, the term bluestocking came to be a derogatory term applied to learned, pedantic women, particularly conservative ones. ... Furthermore, learned women did not fit in with the romantic notion of a damsel in distress waiting to be rescued by a knight in shining armor any more than they fit in with the antirevolutionary fear of progress.”
    Karen Swallow Prior, Fierce Convictions: The Extraordinary Life of Hannah More—Poet, Reformer, Abolitionist

  • #22
    Maximilien Robespierre
    “They call me a tyrant . . . One arrives at a tyrant's throne by the help of scoundrels . . . What faction do I belong to? You yourselves. What is that faction which, since the Revolution began, has crushed the factions and swept away hireling traitors? It is you, it is the people, it is the principles of the Revolution. . . .

    [trans. G. Rudé, ellipses sic; Last Speech to the Convention (July 26, 1794)].”
    Maximilien de Robespierre, Robespierre

  • #23
    Maximilien Robespierre
    “Who then shall unravel all these subtle combinations? Who shall trace the exact dividing line that marks off one form of extremism from its opposite? It can be done only by a love of country and a love of truth. Kings and knaves will always try to destroy this love, for they shun reason and truth like the plague.

    [trans. G. Rudé; On Revolutionary Government (December 25, 1793)].”
    Maximilien de Robespierre, Robespierre

  • #24
    Maximilien Robespierre
    “. . . Kings, aristocrats, tyrants, whoever they be, are slaves rebelling against the sovereign of the earth, which is the human race, and against the legislator of the universe, which is nature.

    [trans. G. Rudé; A Proposed Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen].”
    Maximilien de Robespierre, Robespierre

  • #25
    Maximilien Robespierre
    “. . . Equality of rights is established by nature; society, far from impairing it, guarantees it against the abuse of power which renders it illusory.

    [trans. G. Rudé; A Proposed Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen].”
    Maximilien de Robespierre, Robespierre

  • #26
    “...if the spring of popular government in time of peace is virtue, the springs of popular government in revolution are at once virtue and terror. Virtue, without which terror is fatal; terror, without which virtue is powerless. Terror is nothing other than justice, prompts, severe, inflexible. It is there an emanation of virtue. It is not so much a special principle as it is a consequence of the general principle of democracy applied to our country's most urgent needs...is force made only to protect crime? And is the thunderbolt not destined to strike the heads of the proud?... Are the enemies within not the allies of the enemies without?...”
    Maximillian Robespierre

  • #27
    Tom Reiss
    “The new calendar was only one of countless utopian measures the ruling Jacobins initiated in 1793–94, but it is notable because, apparently, not a single person had to be murdered to carry it out.”
    Tom Reiss, The Black Count: Glory, Revolution, Betrayal, and the Real Count of Monte Cristo

  • #28
    Thomas Paine
    “Loving, of enemies is another dogma of feigned morality, and has besides no meaning. It is incumbent on man, as a moralist, that he does not revenge an injury; and it is equally as good in a political sense, for there is no end to retaliation; each retaliates on the other, and calls it justice: but to love in proportion to the injury, if it could be done, would be to offer a premium for a crime. Besides, the word enemies is too vague and general to be used in a moral maxim, which ought always to be clear and defined, like a proverb. If a man be the enemy of another from mistake and prejudice, as in the case of religious opinions, and sometimes in politics, that man is different to an enemy at heart with a criminal intention; and it is incumbent upon us, and it contributes also to our own tranquillity, that we put the best construction upon a thing that it will bear. But even this erroneous motive in him makes no motive for love on the other part; and to say that we can love voluntarily, and without a motive, is morally and physically impossible.

    Morality is injured by prescribing to it duties that, in the first place, are impossible to be performed, and if they could be would be productive of evil; or, as before said, be premiums for crime. The maxim of doing as we would be done unto does not include this strange doctrine of loving enemies; for no man expects to be loved himself for his crime or for his enmity.

    Those who preach this doctrine of loving their enemies, are in general the greatest persecutors, and they act consistently by so doing; for the doctrine is hypocritical, and it is natural that hypocrisy should act the reverse of what it preaches. For my own part, I disown the doctrine, and consider it as a feigned or fabulous morality; yet the man does not exist that can say I have persecuted him, or any man, or any set of men, either in the American Revolution, or in the French Revolution; or that I have, in any case, returned evil for evil.”
    Thomas Paine, The Age of Reason

  • #29
    Thomas Paine
    “Kill the king but spare the man.”
    Thomas Paine

  • #30
    Hilary Mantel
    “God knows what risks we take, God knows all that Danton has done. God and Camille. God will keep his mouth shut.”
    Hilary Mantel, A Place of Greater Safety



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