The History Book Club discussion

Hello Everyone,

For the week of June 17, 2013 - June 23, 2013, we are reading Chapters Twenty and Twenty One of Woodrow Wilson: A Biography.

This week's reading assignment is:

WEEK THIRTEEN: June 17, 2013 - June 23, 2013 (p 454 - 505)
Chapter 20. Covenant
Chapter 21. Peacemaking Abroad and at Home>

We will open up a thread for each week's reading. Please make sure to post in the particular thread dedicated to those specific chapters and page numbers to avoid spoilers. We will also open up supplemental threads as we did for other spotlighted books.

We look forward to your participation. Amazon, Barnes and Noble, Borders and other noted on line booksellers do have copies of the book and shipment can be expedited. The book can also be obtained easily at your local library, or on your Kindle.

There is no rush and we are thrilled to have you join us. It is never too late to get started and/or to post.

Bryan Craig will be moderating this discussion.

Welcome,

~Bryan

TO ALWAYS SEE ALL WEEKS' THREADS SELECT VIEW ALL

John Milton Cooper Jr.

REMEMBER NO SPOILERS ON THE WEEKLY NON SPOILER THREADS - ON EACH WEEKLY NON SPOILER THREAD - WE ONLY DISCUSS THE PAGES ASSIGNED OR THE PAGES WHICH WERE COVERED IN PREVIOUS WEEKS. IF YOU GO AHEAD OR WANT TO ENGAGE IN MORE EXPANSIVE DISCUSSION - POST THOSE COMMENTS IN ONE OF THE SPOILER THREADS. THESE CHAPTERS ARE EXTREMELY DENSE SO WHEN IN DOUBT CHECK WITH THE CHAPTER OVERVIEW AND SUMMARY TO RECALL WHETHER YOUR COMMENTS ARE ASSIGNMENT SPECIFIC. EXAMPLES OF SPOILER THREADS ARE THE GLOSSARY, THE BIBLIOGRAPHY, THE INTRODUCTION AND THE BOOK AS A WHOLE THREADS.

Notes:

It is always a tremendous help when you quote specifically from the book itself and reference the chapter and page numbers when responding. The text itself helps folks know what you are referencing and makes things clear.

Citations:

If an author or book is mentioned other than the book and author being discussed, citations must be included according to our guidelines. Also, when citing other sources, please provide credit where credit is due and/or the link. There is no need to re-cite the author and the book we are discussing however.

If you need help - here is a thread called the Mechanics of the Board which will show you how:

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Glossary:

Remember there is a glossary thread where ancillary information is placed by the moderator. This is also a thread where additional information can be placed by the group members regarding the subject matter being discussed.

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Bibliography:

There is a Bibliography where books cited in the text are posted with proper citations and reviews. We also post the books that the author used in her research or in her notes. Please also feel free to add to the Bibliography thread any related books, etc with proper citations. No self promotion, please.

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TOC and the Syllabus:

The following is a link to the table of contents for the book and the weekly syllabus:

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Book as a Whole Thread:

This link for discussion of the book once you are finished:

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John Milton Cooper Jr.

Chapter Overviews and Summaries

Chapter Twenty: Covenant

Wilson wanted to go to Europe to work on the peace treaty and he had to pick the rest of the delegates, men that would give him a free hand to negotiate. Wilson decided he did not want to pick any senators, which angered some important members. Wilson picked a lone Republican, Henry White, then Lansing, General Tasker Bliss, and House.

On the voyage to France, Wilson worried about the very high expectations and the difficulty of meeting them. The delegation felt Wilson would fight for what was right. Big crowds met Wilson when he landed. While waiting for negotiations to open, Wilson went to England to meet King George V, Balfour, and Lloyd George. He also went to Rome to meet the pope and he had a chance to examine Jan Smuts' draft of a league. The Italians, he learned, really wanted access to the Dalmatian coast line. It was in Italy where Wilson found out that TR died, and he lost his biggest political rival.

Wilson sketched out a reply on the league, called the First Paris Draft. He wanted an executive council of the great powers, arms reduction, procedures to settle disputes, the powers to provide economic and financial boycotts and to recommend the use of military force if needed, and to take over German and Austrian colonies. Article III stated that each league member had a guarantee of political independence and territorial integrity. Tasker Bliss softened it to say the league would only guarantee territory from outside aggression, the Second Paris Draft.

Wilson started a very busy schedule with Supreme War Council meetings and a Council of Ten. France was in a vengeful mood, but everyone agreed to create a League Commission headed by Wilson. The commission set out to work on a third draft. Japan wanted a resolution for racial equality, but it was denied. Wilson removed the League Army idea and revise the notion that the league could advise on issues of external aggression, rather than guarantee territory. By February 13, the Draft Covenant was complete.

Chapter Twenty One: Peacemaking Aboard and at Home

Wilson returned to the U.S. for ten days before coming back to Europe. The senate did not debate the league until Wilson returned to brief them. However, instead of an address, Wilson met members in smaller groups and he gave only three speeches about it. Wilson wanted the league to be part of the overall peace treaty, while most Republicans opposed the league in its present form. They wanted an exemption for the Monroe Doctrine put into the covenant, but Europeans opposed this idea.

In Europe, House was pushing negotiations onward and beginning to accept items that Wilson would not have agreed to such as starting the league right away and taking away the Rhineland from Germany. When Wilson returned, Wilson found negotiations difficult. A Council of Four was created to move the negotiations faster. Wilson had to leave these negotiations due to coming down with the flu.

Wilson met with a number of foreign dignitaries, while Italy pressed the Adriatic issue, reparations was sent to a commission, and the Saar would be in French hands for 15 years until a plebiscite would be held.
By the end of April, Wilson most likely suffered a small stroke at the time he presented the latest league draft.

On May 7, 1919, the Allies presented Germany with the terms. The Germans were defiant and Hoover and Baker did not approve the latest terms. Wilson did not prepare the Americans for these terms, either. On May 29, the Germans accused the Allies with reneging on their peace promises and the terms were too much to bear. Many on the British delegations wanted a revision, so Lloyd George called them together. However, the American delegation were opposed to revisions and Wilson went along with them. There were some minor revisions and Germany finally agreed to them on June 23.

The Treaty of Versailles was signed on June 28 and Wilson went home. On the voyage, Wilson wanted to offer amnesty to all war dissenters, but Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer cabled to wait until the president was in D.C. to decide on this issue.

Picking the peace delegations is telling. In domestic affairs, he talked to the Republicans, especially in his first term. He burned bridges on this one, would you say?

Here is a telling quote:

"Wilson can and should be faulted for not reaching out to the opposition party, but taking Root or Hughes with him to Paris would probably not have brought enough of their fellow partisans on board to guarantee success. This sin of omission-like his sin of commission with the appeal for a Democratic Congress-made an already bad situation a bit worse." (p. 458)

Bryan wrote: "Picking the peace delegations is telling. In domestic affairs, he talked to the Republicans, especially in his first term. He burned bridges on this one, would you say?

Here is a telling quote:
..."

Was he enraptured with his idea of what the League would do for the world that he dared not share the stage with those republicans.

"... The abnormal reserve of his nature did not allow near him any one who aspired to moral equality or the continuous excerise of influence." Pg 38 The Economic Consequences of the Peace.


by John Maynard Keynes

Thanks, Jim, interesting. Cooper also says Wilson wanted free reign to handle policy. There are pluses and minuses to this.

Interesting, and Wilson also was not trusting House anymore, so he lost that confidant that a president really needs, especially in these kinds of situations.

Speaking of Col. House, he really had an inch and took a mile. Both House and Lansing had done stuff that I would think would get them dismissed.

Bryan wrote: "Speaking of Col. House, he really had an inch and took a mile. Both House and Lansing had done stuff that I would think would get them dismissed."

The smart as in me asks who is House, the secretary of what? And, if he and Lansing are at counter purposes to WW shame on WW for allowing them to continue. And WW would have replaced House and Lansing with? Dr. Grayson? Edith? I guess I'm begging the question why Wilson has a problem with obtaing trusted advisors?

Thanks, Jim, you raised some interesting points. He probably couldn't replace anyone in Paris because it would look really bad. And why did Wilson have trouble getting trusted advisers? The Democrats didn't seem to have a "deep bench" in this arena to begin with.

I'm on my fifth book dealing with Paris in 1919 and almost all opinions of Wilson coming from the main allied heads of state, etc. depict an acerbic opinion of WW. Maybe I'm reading the wrong books but what's happing when Wilson interacts with the European allies?

"I could not bear him. An entirely cold academical professor-- an odious man." George V
Pg 321

By Thomas J. Fleming

I think part of this equation, Jim, is Wilson's health and stress. Cooper raises this multiple times in these chapters. It doesn't sound like he was at his peak of his powers. His cold probably opened the door to getting the flu. Then you add the stress, it might have lead to a small stroke near the end.

Do you agree that you get the impression that the European leaders were more immune to Wilson's charm? These are not members of Congress. Wilson got frustrated with all this heavy opposition.

Jim wrote: "I'm on my fifth book dealing with Paris in 1919 and almost all opinions of Wilson coming from the main allied heads of state, etc. depict an acerbic opinion of WW. Maybe I'm reading the wrong books..."


My guess, France, England, Italy had already in their minds divided up the cake I mentioned before. They gave lip service to Wilson but they really had a hard time suffering an American professor and his white paper with 14 points. That and the diplomatic history, languages, religions of Europe are complicated ( interesting to me ) and I think Wilson just didn't understand the arena called Europe.

I'm looking forward to the release of another biography coming out in Sept. I think it will be interesting to see if there's any more info from a different perspective . . . .

by A. Scott Berg

I agree, it will be an interesting read

by A. Scott Berg (no photo)

Bryan wrote: "Speaking of Col. House, he really had an inch and took a mile. Both House and Lansing had done stuff that I would think would get them dismissed."

I find them both very unlikeable. It seems so politically incorrect to not have some republicans as a part of Wilson's team. I can understand Wilson may have felt what he had to do in Paris was so difficult, that he would not want those who would disagree with what he had to say just because he was a democrat. In such delicate situations there needs to be people involved who honestly want to solve the problems and do what is best. We are so devisive in this country, still. I would think no matter what, he could find a Republican or two who would genuinely be interested in creating a just peace.

Bryan wrote: "I think part of this equation, Jim, is Wilson's health and stress. Cooper raises this multiple times in these chapters. It doesn't sound like he was at his peak of his powers. His cold probably ..."

This might be true in terms of his health, but others, not including the sycophants, like House, had similar opinions of him going back to his Princeton years. His increasingly dire health situation, in my opinion only exacerbated his most unfortunate inability to be diplomatic with others when he was so sure he was right.

Sherry wrote: "Bryan wrote: "Speaking of Col. House, he really had an inch and took a mile. Both House and Lansing had done stuff that I would think would get them dismissed."

I find them both very unlikeable. ..."

Yeah, House and Wilson's relationship seems pretty complex, like all relationships. Early on, they seemed to work better as a team, but by Paris, this was eroding. Maybe Edith had some influence there, maybe Wilson's passion for world peace blinded him from accepting help. House, I guess, wanted fame and fortune, to be a piece of history, which might not mesh with higher goals.

G wrote: "Bryan wrote: "I think part of this equation, Jim, is Wilson's health and stress. Cooper raises this multiple times in these chapters. It doesn't sound like he was at his peak of his powers. His ..."

Good points, G. Here, I think, you see the Wilson hubris that people talk about. Or could it be that he was so passionate about the league that he refused to compromise in any big way.

He seems to be a fish out of water a bit in Europe. Cooper mentions something interesting: if the war ended later, the U.S. might have had the stronger hand as we had "more chips in" and made a bigger difference militarily.

After World War II, we had most of the chips because Europe was devastated and our economy/military was at its wartime peak. We could throw our weight around, but Wilson didn't have a lot of weight...

What is really wrong with this picture? It's our groups option that House and Lansing aren't the answer. But why does Wilson keep them on?

Does Wilson have that dose of hubris that keeps him from choosing men of appropriate character? Are their no suitable candidates available?

I know, Jim, right?! Cooper admits that this group is not our A team. They are doing stuff that will get you recalled or fired.

Why keep them? Wilson isn't like President Harding who hated to fire people. Too late to fire them now because it would look bad, maybe. House and Wilson still have enough of a relationship, that Wilson tolerates him...I don't know for sure...

Jim wrote: "Does Wilson have that dose of hubris that keeps him from choosing men of appropriate character? Are their no suitable candidates available?"

On the Democratic side, maybe there are not heavy hitters. They have been out of office for 15 years. Wilson found TR people in the Republican side because they had the experience. White was one of the better picks, I get the impression White was pretty helpful.

Bryan wrote: "Jim wrote: "Does Wilson have that dose of hubris that keeps him from choosing men of appropriate character? Are their no suitable candidates available?"

On the Democratic side, maybe there are not..."

What is the flaw here? The history club is also reading a book about FDR's centurions, where is that book about Wilson's centurions?

Ah, but Wilson did not engage with the military very much, so maybe there isn't much to say. General Bliss was there in Paris, though. It is interesting to note that Bliss softened the territorial integrity clause of the league to say we would intervene only if there is external aggression.

Covenant of League of Nations, Part One

THE HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES,

In order to promote international co-operation and to achieve international peace and security

by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war,
by the prescription of open, just and honourable relations between nations,
by the firm establishment of the understandings of international law as the actual rule of conduct among Governments, and
by the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for all treaty obligations in the dealings of organised peoples with one another,

Agree to this Covenant of the League of Nations.

ARTICLE 1.

The original Members of the League of Nations shall be those of the Signatories which are named in the Annex to this Covenant and also such of those other States named in the Annex as shall accede without reservation to this Covenant. Such accession shall be effected by a Declaration deposited with the Secretariat within two months of the coming into force of the Covenant. Notice thereof shall be sent to all other Members of the League.

Any fully self-governing State, Dominion or Colony not named in the Annex may become a Member of the League if its admission is agreed to by two-thirds of the Assembly, provided that it shall give effective guarantees of its sincere intention to observe its international obligations, and shall accept such regulations as may be prescribed by the League in regard to its military, naval and air forces and armaments.

Any Member of the League may, after two years' notice of its intention so to do, withdraw from the League, provided that all its international obligations and all its obligations under this Covenant shall have been fulfilled at the time of its withdrawal.

ARTICLE 2.

The action of the League under this Covenant shall be effected through the instrumentality of an Assembly and of a Council, with a permanent Secretariat.

ARTICLE 3.

The Assembly shall consist of Representatives of the Members of the League.

The Assembly shall meet at stated intervals and from time to time as occasion may require at the Seat of the League or at such other place as may be decided upon.

The Assembly may deal at its meetings with any matter within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the peace of the world. At meetings of the Assembly each Member of the League shall have one vote, and may have not more than three Representatives.

ARTICLE 4.

The Council shall consist of Representatives of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers, together with Representatives of four other Members of the League. These four Members of the League shall be selected by the Assembly from time to time in its discretion. Until the appointment of the Representatives of the four Members of the League first selected by the Assembly, Representatives of Belgium, Brazil, Spain and Greece shall be members of the Council.

With the approval of the majority of the Assembly, the Council may name additional Members of the League whose Representatives shall always be members of the Council; the Council, with like approval may increase the number of Members of the League to be selected by the Assembly for representation on the Council.

The Council shall meet from time to time as occasion may require, and at least once a year, at the Seat of the League, or at such other place as may be decided upon.

The Council may deal at its meetings with any matter within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the peace of the world.

Any Member of the League not represented on the Council shall be invited to send a Representative to sit as a member at any meeting of the Council during the consideration of matters specially affecting the interests of that Member of the League.

At meetings of the Council, each Member of the League represented on the Council shall have one vote, and may have not more than one Representative.

ARTICLE 5.

Except where otherwise expressly provided in this Covenant or by the terms of the present Treaty, decisions at any meeting of the Assembly or of the Council shall require the agreement of all the Members of the League represented at the meeting.

All matters of procedure at meetings of the Assembly or of the Council, including the appointment of Committees to investigate particular matters, shall be regulated by the Assembly or by the Council and may be decided by a majority of the Members of the League represented at the meeting.

The first meeting of the Assembly and the first meeting of the Council shall be summoned by the President of the United States of America.

ARTICLE 6.

The permanent Secretariat shall be established at the Seat of the League. The Secretariat shall comprise a Secretary General and such secretaries and staff as may be required.

The first Secretary General shall be the person named in the Annex; thereafter the Secretary General shall be appointed by the Council with the approval of the majority of the Assembly.

The secretaries and staff of the Secretariat shall be appointed by the Secretary General with the approval of the Council.

The Secretary General shall act in that capacity at all meetings of the Assembly and of the Council.

The expenses of the League shall be borne by the Members of the League in the proportion decided by the Assembly.

ARTICLE 7.

The Seat of the League is established at Geneva.

The Council may at any time decide that the Seat of the League shall be established elsewhere.

All positions under or in connection with the League, including the Secretariat, shall be open equally to men and women.

Representatives of the Members of the League and officials of the League when engaged on the business of the League shall enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities.

The buildings and other property occupied by the League or its officials or by Representatives attending its meetings shall be inviolable.

ARTICLE 8.

The Members of the League recognise that the maintenance of peace requires the reduction of national armaments to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforcement by common action of international obligations.

The Council, taking account of the geographical situation and circumstances of each State, shall formulate plans for such reduction for the consideration and action of the several Governments. Such plans shall be subject to reconsideration and revision at least every ten years.

After these plans shall have been adopted by the several Governments, the limits of armaments therein fixed shall not be exceeded without the concurrence of the Council.

The Members of the League agree that the manufacture by private enterprise of munitions and implements of war is open to grave objections. The Council shall advise how the evil effects attendant upon such manufacture can be prevented, due regard being had to the necessities of those Members of the League which are not able to manufacture the munitions and implements of war necessary for their safety.

The Members of the League undertake to interchange full and frank information as to the scale of their armaments, their military, naval and air programmes and the condition of such of their industries as are adaptable to war-like purposes.

ARTICLE 9.

A permanent Commission shall be constituted to advise the Council on the execution of the provisions of Articles 1 and 8 and on military, naval and air questions generally.

ARTICLE 10.

The Members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all Members of the League. In case of any such aggression or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression the Council shall advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled.

ARTICLE 11.

Any war or threat of war, whether immediately affecting any of the Members of the League or not, is hereby declared a matter of concern to the whole League, and the League shall take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of nations. In case any such emergency should arise the Secretary General shall on the request of any Member of the League forthwith summon a meeting of the Council.

It is also declared to be the friendly right of each Member of the League to bring to the attention of the Assembly or of the Council any circumstance whatever affecting international relations which threatens to disturb international peace or the good understanding between nations upon which peace depends.

ARTICLE 12.

The Members of the League agree that, if there should arise between them any dispute likely to lead to a rupture they will submit the matter either to arbitration or judicial settlement or to enquiry by the Council, and they agree in no case to resort to war until three months after the award by the arbitrators or the judicial decision, or the report by the Council. In any case under this Article the award of the arbitrators or the judicial decision shall be made within a reasonable time, and the report of the Council shall be made within six months after the submission of the dispute.

ARTICLE 13.

The Members of the League agree that whenever any dispute shall arise between them which they recognise to be suitable for submission to arbitration or judicial settlement and which cannot be satisfactorily settled by diplomacy, they will submit the whole subject-matter to arbitration or judicial settlement.

Disputes as to the interpretation of a treaty, as to any question of international law, as to the existence of any fact which if established would constitute a breach of any international obligation, or as to the extent and nature of the reparation to be made for any such breach, are declared to be among those which are generally suitable for submission to arbitration or judicial settlement.

For the consideration of any such dispute, the court to which the case is referred shall be the Permanent Court of International Justice, established in accordance with Article 14, or any tribunal agreed on by the parties to the dispute or stipulated in any convention existing between them.

The Members of the League agree that they will carry out in full good faith any award or decision that may be rendered, and that they will not resort to war against a Member of the League which complies therewith. In the event of any failure to carry out such an award or decision, the Council shall propose what steps should be taken to give effect thereto.
(Source: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_centu...)

Covenant of League of Nations, Part Two

ARTICLE 14.

The Council shall formulate and submit to the Members of the League for adoption plans for the establishment of a Permanent Court of International Justice. The Court shall be competent to hear and determine any dispute of an international character which the parties thereto submit to it. The Court may also give an advisory opinion upon any dispute or question referred to it by the Council or by the Assembly.

ARTICLE 15.

If there should arise between Members of the League any dispute likely to lead to a rupture, which is not submitted to arbitration or judicial settlement in accordance with Article 13, the Members of the League agree that they will submit the matter to the Council. Any party to the dispute may effect such submission by giving notice of the existence of the dispute to the Secretary General, who will make all necessary arrangements for a full investigation and consideration thereof.

For this purpose the parties to the dispute will communicate to the Secretary General, as promptly as possible, statements of their case with all the relevant facts and papers, and the Council may forthwith direct the publication thereof.

The Council shall endeavour to effect a settlement of the dispute, and if such efforts are successful, a statement shall be made public giving such facts and explanations regarding the dispute and the terms of settlement thereof as the Council may deem appropriate.

If the dispute is not thus settled, the Council either unanimously or by a majority vote shall make and publish a report containing a statement of the facts of the dispute and the recommendations which are deemed just and proper in regard thereto.

Any Member of the League represented on the Council may make public a statement of the facts of the dispute and of its conclusions regarding the same.

If a report by the Council is unanimously agreed to by the members thereof other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the League agree that they will not go to war with any party to the dispute which complies with the recommendations of the report.

If the Council fails to reach a report which is unanimously agreed to by the members thereof, other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the League reserve to themselves the right to take such action as they shall consider necessary for the maintenance of right and justice.

If the dispute between the parties is claimed by one of them, and is found by the Council, to arise out of a matter which by international law is solely within the domestic jurisdiction of that party, the Council shall so report, and shall make no recommendation as to its settlement.

The Council may in any case under this Article refer the dispute to the Assembly. The dispute shall be so referred at the request of either party to the dispute, provided that such request be made within fourteen days after the submission of the dispute to the Council.

In any case referred to the Assembly, all the provisions of this Article and of Article 12 relating to the action and powers of the Council shall apply to the action and powers of the Assembly, provided that a report made by the Assembly, if concurred in by the Representatives of those Members of the League represented on the Council and of a majority of the other Members of the League, exclusive in each case of the Representatives of the parties to the dispute, shall have the same force as a report by the Council concurred in by all the members thereof other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute.

ARTICLE 16.

Should any Member of the League resort to war in disregard of its covenants under Articles 12, 13 or 15, it shall ipso facto be deemed to have committed an act of war against all other Members of the League, which hereby undertake immediately to subject it to the severance of all trade or financial relations, the prohibition of all intercourse between their nationals and the nationals of the covenant-breaking State, and the prevention of all financial, commercial or personal intercourse between the nationals of the covenant-breaking State and the nationals of any other State, whether a Member of the League or not.

It shall be the duty of the Council in such case to recommend to the several Governments concerned what effective military, naval or air force the Members of the League shall severally contribute to the armed forces to be used to protect the covenants of the League.

The Members of the League agree, further, that they will mutually support one another in the financial and economic measures which are taken under this Article, in order to minimise the loss and inconvenience resulting from the above measures, and that they will mutually support one another in resisting any special measures aimed at one of their number by the covenant-breaking State, and that they will take the necessary steps to afford passage through their territory to the forces of any of the Members of the League which are co-operating to protect the covenants of the League.

Any Member of the League which has violated any covenant of the League may be declared to be no longer a Member of the League by a vote of the Council concurred in by the Representatives of all the other Members of the League represented thereon.

ARTICLE 17.

In the event of a dispute between a Member of the League and a State which is not a Member of the League, or between States not Members of the League, the State or States not Members of the League shall be invited to accept the obligations of membership in the League for the purposes of such dispute, upon such conditions as the Council may deem just. If such invitation is accepted, the provisions of Articles 12 to 16 inclusive shall be applied with such modifications as may be deemed necessary by the Council.

Upon such invitation being given the Council shall immediately institute an inquiry into the circumstances of the dispute and recommend such action as may seem best and most effectual in the circumstances.

If a State so invited shall refuse to accept the obligations of membership in the League for the purposes of such dispute, and shall resort to war against a Member of the League, the provisions of Article 16 shall be applicable as against the State taking such action.

If both parties to the dispute when so invited refuse to accept the obligations of membership in the League for the purposes of such dispute, the Council may take such measures and make such recommendations as will prevent hostilities and will result in the settlement of the dispute.

ARTICLE 18.

Every treaty or international engagement entered into hereafter by any Member of the League shall be forthwith registered with the Secretariat and shall as soon as possible be published by it. No such treaty or international engagement shall be binding until so registered.

ARTICLE 19.

The Assembly may from time to time advise the reconsideration by Members of the League of treaties which have become inapplicable and the consideration of international conditions whose continuance might endanger the peace of the world.

ARTICLE 20.

The Members of the League severally agree that this Covenant is accepted as abrogating all obligations or understandings inter se which are inconsistent with the terms thereof, and solemnly undertake that they will not hereafter enter into any engagements inconsistent with the terms thereof.

In case any Member of the League shall, before becoming a Member of the League, have undertaken any obligations inconsistent with the terms of this Covenant, it shall be the duty of such Member to take immediate steps to procure its release from such obligations.

ARTICLE 21.

Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the validity of international engagements, such as treaties of arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe doctrine, for securing the maintenance of peace.

ARTICLE 22.

To those colonies and territories which as a consequence of the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the States which formerly governed them and which are inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world, there should be applied the principle that the well-being and development of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilisation and that securities for the performance of this trust should be embodied in this Covenant.

The best method of giving practical effect to this principle is that the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who by reason of their resources, their experience or their geographical position can best undertake this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it, and that this tutelage should be exercised by them as Mandatories on behalf of the League.

The character of the mandate must differ according to the stage of the development of the people, the geographical situation of the territory, its economic conditions and other similar circumstances.

Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory.

Other peoples, especially those of Central Africa, are at such a stage that the Mandatory must be responsible for the administration of the territory under conditions which will guarantee freedom of conscience and religion, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications or military and naval bases and of military training of the natives for other than police purposes and the defence of territory, and will also secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other Members of the League.

There are territories, such as South-West Africa and certain of the South Pacific Islands, which, owing to the sparseness of their population, or their small size, or their remoteness from the centres of civilisation, or their geographical contiguity to the territory of the Mandatory, and other circumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the Mandatory as integral portions of its territory, subject to the safeguards above mentioned in the interests of the indigenous population.

In every case of mandate, the Mandatory shall render to the Council an annual report in reference to the territory committed to its charge.

The degree of authority, control, or administration to be exercised by the Mandatory shall, if not previously agreed upon by the Members of the League, be explicitly defined in each case by the Council.

A permanent Commission shall be constituted to receive and examine the annual reports of the Mandatories and to advise the Council on all matters relating to the observance of the mandates.
(Source: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_centu...)

Covenant of League of Nations, Part Three

ARTICLE 23.

Subject to and in accordance with the provisions of international conventions existing or hereafter to be agreed upon, the Members of the League:

(a) will endeavour to secure and maintain fair and humane conditions of labour for men, women, and children, both in their own countries and in all countries to which their commercial and industrial relations extend, and for that purpose will establish and maintain the necessary international organisations;


(b) undertake to secure just treatment of the native inhabitants of territories under their control;


(c) will entrust the League with the general supervision over the execution of agreements with regard to the traffic in women and children, and the traffic in opium and other dangerous drugs;


(d) will entrust the League with the general supervision of the trade in arms and ammunition with the countries in which the control of this traffic is necessary in the common interest;


(e) will make provision to secure and maintain freedom of communications and of transit and equitable treatment for the commerce of all Members of the League. In this connection, the special necessities of the regions devastated during the war of 1914-1918 shall be borne in mind;


(f) will endeavour to take steps in matters of international concern for the prevention and control of disease.

ARTICLE 24.

There shall be placed under the direction of the League all international bureaux already established by general treaties if the parties to such treaties consent. All such international bureaux and all commissions for the regulation of matters of international interest hereafter constituted shall be placed under the direction of the League.

In all matters of international interest which are regulated by general convention but which are not placed under the control of international bureaux or commissions, the Secretariat of the League shall, subject to the consent of the Council and if desired by the parties, collect and distribute all relevant information and shall render any other assistance which may be necessary or desirable.

The Council may include as part of the expenses of the Secretariat the expenses of any bureau or commission which is placed under the direction of the League.

ARTICLE 25.

The Members of the League agree to encourage and promote the establishment and co-operation of duly authorised voluntary national Red Cross organisations having as purposes the improvement of health, the prevention of disease and the mitigation of suffering throughout the world.
ARTICLE 26.

Amendments to this Covenant will take effect when ratified by the Members of the League whose Representatives compose the Council and by a majority of the Members of the League whose Representatives compose the Assembly.

No such amendments shall bind any Member of the League which signifies its dissent therefrom, but in that case it shall cease to be a Member of the League.
(Source: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_centu...)

I think comparing the USA in WWI and II, and comparing Wilson to FDR, leads in many directions:

1. Our role in WWII was much bigger and longer than in WWI

2. WWII was a fundamentally different type of war. e.g. there is huge confusion over the cause of WW I. There is very little confusion about WWII. Similarly, the end of WW I is quite sudden and odd; the end of WW II was the crushing of Germany and Japan.

3. FDR and Wilson had fundamentally different characters, strengths and weaknesses. Wilson, for a politician, seems somewhat aloof; FDR does not. Wilson was certainly much more of a scholar than FDR, and was probably smarter (at least in terms of "book" or "academic" smarts) but FDR was a better leader. FDR also managed to choose some really great advisers (not just in the military); Wilson did not.

I have to add a personal anecdote about Paris and the Treaty of Versailles. My Grandfather was part of the American Diplomatic corps and was head of the Consulate in Grenoble. In 1919 my Mother was 3 years old. Due to his service in France he was at the signing. My mother and her sister and brother were also there. My toddler Mom peed on the floor of the Hall of Mirrors. Perhaps she picked up the communal angst. This is a favorite family story. Just had to share.

Peter wrote: "I think comparing the USA in WWI and II, and comparing Wilson to FDR, leads in many directions:

1. Our role in WWII was much bigger and longer than in WWI

2. WWII was a fundamentally different ty..."

Some good points, Peter. I think this is what Cooper might be suggesting that if WWI was longer, we might have had a bigger stake.

I think you are on point with FDR & Wilson.

Sherry wrote: "I have to add a personal anecdote about Paris and the Treaty of Versailles. My Grandfather was part of the American Diplomatic corps and was head of the Consulate in Grenoble. In 1919 my Mother w..."

Loved the story, thanks for sharing. Your mom made her mark at The Hall of Mirrors, lol.

Bryan wrote: "Sherry wrote: "I have to add a personal anecdote about Paris and the Treaty of Versailles. My Grandfather was part of the American Diplomatic corps and was head of the Consulate in Grenoble. In 1..."
She claimed that spot -- wherever it was.

Sherry . . great story!

It seems to me that Wilson's personal aloofness helped in that hubris of thinking he had all the answers. It was mentioned in the earliest part of the book that he absorbed info . . . then retired to formulate his thoughts . . . I think his personality was very different from FDR's.

I think that hubris led him to believe that no one else but himself had the capability to make sure the League of Nations developed according to His plans . . . I don't think he wanted any input from anyone else . . .

Sherry, I agree, great story! I might have seen that spot on my trip to Versailles.

I was comparing the subject of this book with FDR based on another book I am reading and I came to realize Wilson, sadly, had no inner circle of people who would speak frankly with him, and if ignored, continue to pursue the point, and ultimately if their point was refuted, would follow the plan of their leader. FDR's personality was such that he developed loyalty, incredible loyalty, in the people who reported to him. Wilson's personality was such that he could not create such relationships and I see that in sharp focus in these two chapters.

by Joseph E. Persico

Some great points, G. Who was in his inner circle? Tumulty, Edith, and House are three that come to mind. I think it is too small and not deep enough.

You get a sense they give him contrary advice, but you are right G, they don't seem to keep after him. Maybe it was his personality...if Wilson set his mind, then it is no changing it.

Thoughts?

Wilson does not seem to truly trust many people. Is that why he himself had to go to the peace talks? For such a brilliant man, he certainly made his share of mistakes at this time.

G wrote: "Sherry, I agree, great story! I might have seen that spot on my trip to Versailles.

I was comparing the subject of this book with FDR based on another book I am reading and I came to realize Wils..."

Good, I'm glad the spot remains after all these years! LOL. Lucky you, I've yet to go and see for myself.

Kathy wrote: "Wilson does not seem to truly trust many people. Is that why he himself had to go to the peace talks? For such a brilliant man, he certainly made his share of mistakes at this time."

Another good example, Kathy, he felt he had to do this peace thing by himself. A number of presidents have a vision and need it executed, but have advisers to help out. Lansing certainly wasn't trusted with executing this vision at State. Wilson called him a clerk.

...I wonder if Bryan had stayed on, what would have happened?

Bryan wrote: "...I wonder if Bryan had stayed on, what would have happened?"
I had this same thought just last night. Bryan was known for his eloquence. He could have spoken to the cause of peace. But he couldn't stomach war for any reason, so it would seem.

So true, I don't know if he could have hung on through the war. I wonder if Bryan might have agreed with Wilson's strategy at Paris. Wilson needed a strong, trusted adviser who was a pragmatist and who knew Europe well.

Bryan wrote: "So true, I don't know if he could have hung on through the war. I wonder if Bryan might have agreed with Wilson's strategy at Paris. Wilson needed a strong, trusted adviser who was a pragmatist a..."

And knew Europe well... Wilson and advisors seemed to me to be strangers in a strange land.

It does, Jim.

What a disaster Wilson's picks were for him. It seems no one could get along and that the whole thing just turned into a stubborn show of wills. Wilson certainly needed allies back home if he ever hoped to get anything through Congress. His lack of judgment or over confidence seems to have doomed all his endeavors from the start. He certainly had his work cut out for him trying to convince those men who had seen all the devastation inflicted up their countries to go easy on the Germans. It is certainly hard not to go along with those countries seeking retribution. His ability to get anything done is very commendable.

I wish a little more discussion could be had on the Russians pulling out of the war early and how the civil war going on in Russia effected the outcome of the peace talks. Should Russia have been invited to at least attend as an observer or was there no clear government in which to invite. I know there was a huge civil war going on between the Bolsheviks and Menshevik factions at the time. Which countries supported which group. Was there any concern that a Bolshevik uprising might occur in Germany if the treaty terms were two harsh.
I also would have liked a bit more on the problems with the dividing up of the Ottoman Empire. I think we are still living with those faulty decision even today. Does anyone have any input into these two areas for discussion.

Clayton wrote: "What a disaster Wilson's picks were for him. It seems no one could get along and that the whole thing just turned into a stubborn show of wills. Wilson certainly needed allies back home if he ever ..."

Indeed. But it would be interesting to contrast how Wilson handled these disagreements among his staff with how Lincoln did and how FDR did.

Clayton wrote: "What a disaster Wilson's picks were for him. It seems no one could get along and that the whole thing just turned into a stubborn show of wills. Wilson certainly needed allies back home if he ever ..."

Clayton, your post reminds of us of the victories he did score with his work in Europe. He got a league, although it wasn't very strong. I think Wilson had faith that the measures he put in place would be strong enough to prevent war. We know the result of a weak league.

I think Wilson had it right when he pondered the expectations while sailing for Europe. They were so very high...hard to meet.

Clayton wrote: "I wish a little more discussion could be had on the Russians pulling out of the war early and how the civil war going on in Russia effected the outcome of the peace talks. Should Russia have been i..."

Yeah, I am not sure what thoughts Cooper had in deciding what to include and what not. There were other cases in the book that I wished there were a little more detail, but I guess this would be a 1000 page book.

Jim wrote: "A comment on what it took to succeed in European foreign relations preceding the war. This was not Wilson's world.

"..a system of interaction where one could not command but had to understand, to ..."

Interesting, Jim, thanks. Wilson did not work very well with the Europeans, maybe better with Lloyd George. It cost him, I think.

Good job on the citation. You don't need the periods after title or before by. Keep it up :-)



(no image) The Fateful Alliance: France, Russia and the Coming of the First World War by George F. Kennan

Peter wrote: "Clayton wrote: "What a disaster Wilson's picks were for him. It seems no one could get along and that the whole thing just turned into a stubborn show of wills. Wilson certainly needed allies back ..."

Yeah, in the first term, he seemed to listen to people then make a decision. So, he was pretty open to hearing other sides. I think he did that in Paris. He accepted some major compromises between the covenant drafts. It is a little unclear how hard the staff pressed if Wilson was leaning one way or the other. The book doesn't go into that much detail.