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Marcuse advocated modernism and a break with the conservative past, but at the same time he was appalled by the commodification and massification of the culture they themselves had, to some extent, fostered, which is an paradox that most of them were not aware of. This could be seen in architecture, theater, and all other spheres where Weimar emigrants spread the word and movement of the interwar German republic.

Two conflicting records that people left when Hitler came to power, one was euphoric, while the other didn't pay much attention to the act. But that event was fateful for the whole world, and this was later studied with particular attention by Hans Morgenthau, who published the book Politics Among Nations in 1948. In it, he problematizes an idealistic view of politics with a pragmatic one, using Weimar as an example.

The coming of the Nazis to power was achieved in a formally democratic way because all the legal possibilities provided by the Constitution were respected, but it is also a fact that they were not supported by the majority of the population. This was seen in numerous elections in '32. However, they just took advantage of what was offered to them by the naïve right and the compromised left.

The way Nazis gradually built their popularity is unique in the Weimar Republic. They sought the support of the entire population, not just certain classes. They were open to all new technologies and were tireless in promoting their policies, which appealed to a growing number of the population, pressed by the economic crisis. Where they were elected, they used their positions exclusively to spread their policies.

All the achievements in politics, society and culture that Weimar created caused horror and disgust among the right. They were deeply afraid of the changes that were taking place in society and tried to change them. Spengler and other philosophers gave these fears a basis on which numerous factions could unite. Thus, concepts such as the Dolchstoßlegende, the Jewish Republic and the like were born.

New woman and the sexual freedom brought about by the Republic are, controversial and divided. Liberals advocated for easier and more frequent sexual relations, which brought unwanted pregnancies and an increase in abortions. The birth rate fell in those years and this ultimately led to a counter reaction. All the great theorists could enjoy the foundations of the past and not think about the future.

Hannah Höch was a unique figure who, by creating collages on the theme of the New Woman, was trying to make her way in a man's world. It is difficult to say how successful she was in this, as the author probably mentions her more because of her personal life than her professional life.

Philosophical postulates that were developed through the deliberations of philosophers Heidegger and Korsch, although ideologically they all agreed in one thing. Modern society is decadent and needs change. This fact is well elaborated in this part of the book. What is problematic is not understanding how such a society could lead to two extremes, black or red. Because these were all utopian understandings.

The critique of modern society in the Reichstag by Thomas Mann and Bertolt Brecht attacked consumerism from both the left and the right. Some criticized the growing phenomenon of alienation and poverty, while others advocated the theoretical position of the republic as a place of freedom in contrast to the empire. Both Mann and Brecht were leftists, which further strengthens the impression of the authors' connivance.

The arrival of radio in more and more homes, as well as the increasing number of cinemas, began to create a new, mass culture in Germany. This phenomenon was criticized from the very beginning by many philosophers who feared the disappearance of critical thinking and the molding and homogenization of the population. Already, some recognized how people could be controlled through radio to think what others wanted.

The fascination with new technologies that gained mass character in the late 10s and early 20s is difficult to understand from today's time. Appearance of a radio on which you could listen to music from America must have been an unforgettable experience. It was the same with appearance of television and especially with the arrival of sound, the mass of these media naturally brought with it regulation from the state.

August Sander subtly expressed his thoughts and political affiliations, yet Sander, the most famous street photographer, did not escape the condemnation of the Nazis when they came to power. Film also developed strongly in the 1920s, and the classics Metropolis or Berlin: Symphony of a Metropolis. However, the author of the book praises left-wing artists, and we will see if he will also mention right-wing artists.

Other types of art were not left untouched by the Weimar enthusiasm for change. The painter and photographer László Moholy-Nagy was carried away by the ideas of freedom, equality and new possibilities, and he was not aware that he was building all this on the foundations of the Empire. In the Bauhaus, everyone was welcome in the new world, because the new arts became the great equalizer.

In Weimar Germany, politics was unavoidable, and this was also reflected in architecture. Walter Gropius and his Bauhaus University were a melting pot of new, "free" and progressive ideas. All of these ideas were largely funded by the state, and architects wanted to do things their own way without the interference of financiers. This created tensions that eventually spilled over from art criticism to nationalism.

As is the case when a major rupture occurs in a state and society, some individuals emerged from this cataclysm imbued with great optimism and new energy. This was certainly the case with the architect Bruno Taut, who saw new state as a beacon of freedom, openness and equality. Guided by this, he built his projects, each of which in its own way echoed his inner convictions. Another great figure was Erich Mendelsohn.